Ireland, the Union, and the Empire, 1800–1960

Jackson, Alvin

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199251841.003.0005

Cited by 4 publications

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“…The largest sum went to Captain Baulfour (Balfour) -£8,015, the smallest to Colonel Ormeston -£50, with widely varying amounts to other officers, which presumably reflect the respective lengths of service and complements of men, as well as the costs of bringing recruits over the North Sea. 66 At the same time, under "pay", Colonel Ormeston received £500, and this seems to have been the going annual rate for a man of this rank. In October 1575, the salary of Henry Balfour, by this time a colonel, was set at 800 guilders per year by the Dutch authorities.…”

Section: Conditions Of Servicementioning

confidence: 98%

“…By 1540, Sher commanded 150,000 cavalry and 25,000 foot soldiers. 66 According to one estimate, in 1540, Humayun mobilized 90,000 cavalry against Sher Shah.…”

Section: The Armies Of the Early Moguls And Their Opponents 1494-1556mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The taking of spoils was a defining characteristic of just, or public, war. 66 Cash-strapped governments, unable to pay the soldiers in full or sometimes at all, had little choice but to accept the routine nature of pillage. The Mercure françois put it bluntly: "One finds enough soldiers when one gives them the freedom to live off the land, and allowing them to pillage supports them without pay."…”

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Fighting for a Living

Zürcher¹

2013

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Most human beings work, and growing numbers are exposed to labour markets. These markets are increasingly globally competitive and cause both capital and labour to move around the world. In search of the cheapest labour, industries and service-based enterprises move from West to East and South, but also, for example, westwards from China's east coast. People move from areas with few employment opportunities to urban and industrial hubs, both between and within continents. However, labour relations have been shifting already for centuries, labour migrations go back far in time, and changing labour relations cannot be comprehended without history. Therefore, understanding these developments and their consequences in the world of work and labour relations requires sound historical research, based on the experiences of different groups of workers in different parts of the world at different moments in time, throughout human history.The research and publications department of the International Institute of Social History (IISH) has taken on a leading role in research and publishing on the global history of labour relations. In the context of Global Labour History, three central research questions have been defined: (1) What labour relations have emerged in parallel with the rise and advance of market economies? (2) How can their incidence (and consequently the transition from one labour relation to another) be explained, and are these worldwide transitions interlinked? (3) What are the social, economic, political, and cultural consequences of their changing incidence, and how do they relate to forms of individual and collective agency among workers? These three questions are interconnected in time, but also in space. Recent comparative Global Labour History research demonstrates that shifts in one part of the globe have always been linked to shifts in other parts. Some rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, any part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise). Veinstein (1945Veinstein ( -2013 The Dutch army in transition 447 In memory of Gilles ContentsFrom all-volunteer force to cadre-militia army, 1795-1830 Herman AmersfoortThe draft and draftees in Italy, 1861-1914 479 Marco RovinelloNation-building, war experiences, and European models 519The rejection of conscription in Britain Jörn LeonhardMobilizing military labor in the age of total war 547Ottoman conscription before and during the Great War Mehmet Beşikçi Soldiering as work 581The all-volunteer force in the United States Beth BaileyPrivate contractors in war from the 1990s to the present 613A review essay S. Yelda Kaya Collective bibliography 639Notes on contributors 687 PrefaceHe's five-foot-two, and he's six-feet-four, He fights with missiles and with spears. He's all of thirty-one, and he's only seventeen, He's been a soldier for a thousand years. ... He's the one who gives h...

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Section: Conditions Of Servicementioning

confidence: 98%

“…By 1540, Sher commanded 150,000 cavalry and 25,000 foot soldiers. 66 According to one estimate, in 1540, Humayun mobilized 90,000 cavalry against Sher Shah.…”

Section: The Armies Of the Early Moguls And Their Opponents 1494-1556mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Fighting for a Living

Zürcher¹

2013

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“…Hundreds of Irish nationalists exemplified this paradoxical constellation in their own biographies and careers: they welcomed Home Rule, but they also fought in the British forces after 1914, and yet later proceeded in the ranks of the Irish Republican Army. 51 The interrelation between imperial and colonial identity also continued after …”

Section: The Complexities Of Imperial Defence Prior To and After 1914mentioning

confidence: 99%

Nations in Arms and Imperial Defence – Continental Models, the British Empire and its Military before 1914

Leonhard

2007

J Mod Eur Hist

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In stark contrast to continental European societies, Britain in the second half of the century did not witness a debate over national and people's wars as was the case in Germany, France, Italy, or in the United States during the American Civil War. Whenever these concepts were used in British discourses, they referred to other countries than Britain.' Already this symptom points to particular differences between war experiences and the meaning of the military on the continent and across the Channel. Historically, Britain's geographical position without direct neighbours allowed her to rely on a relatively small professional army. Even before 1914 its planned size was less than a fourth compared with most continental armies. 3 Furthermore, large standing armies had always been regarded as symbols of absolutist despotism. But in contrast to the continent where, as a consequence of the religious wars of the seventeenth century, princes and dynasties had established absolutist rule on the basis of standing armies, the absolutist experiment had failed in Britain with the end of the Stuarts in 1688. The Whig interpretation of these conflicts and its continuous influence in the early nineteenth century provided ample room for the identification of standing armies with absolutist, potentially catholic, and therefore un-English principles.When confronted with increased and intensified armament programs and the introduction of mass conscription in other European nation states, discussions in Britain after 1870 did not focus primarily on a conscript army. Even Lord Roberts, the popular President of the National Service League, did not demand a mass conscript army but favored specific military units capable of defending the British island in case of an invasion. 4 There was no equivalent of continental experiences which, as in the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars before 1815 and during the conflicts which developed in the course of nation-state-building in Italy and Germany from the late 18505 to the early 18705, had catalysed discourses about the changing meaning and justification of war. In addition, the British perception of the American Civil War seemed to underline that the British society was far from turning into a military nation. Thus the concepts of a nation in arms or a people's 2 H. Strachan, «Militär,

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“…Almost exactly a year later the Anglo-Irish Treaty (December 1921) granted dominion status for the 26 counties of the Irish Free State and provided a suitably ambiguous formula 'which would be applied elsewhere in the empire'. 90 Twenty-five years later Mohamed Ali Jinnah, president of the Muslim League, invoked the example of Ireland and pushed for partition just as the Ulster Unionist leader, Sir Edward Carson, who like Jinnah was a lawyer, had done during the 'Home Rule crisis' of 1912-14. 91 Gandhi, Nehru and other members of the Indian National Congress staunchly opposed the creation of Pakistan.…”

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confidence: 99%