Is Hacktivism the New Civil Disobedience?

Delmas, Candice

doi:10.3917/rai.069.0063

Cited by 13 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…One of the key criticisms levied at hacker activity is that they are private actors carrying out their own political ends through the use of political violence. So, while collectives such as Anonymous have engaged in what can broadly be referred to as digital resistance (Delmas 2018), digital disobedience (Scheuerman 2016) or digital activism (Sauter 2014) and use methods which range across the activist spectrum, a distinguishing feature of the type of political hacking examined here is the use of political violence, which arguably distinguishes it from some of the conceptualisations and discussions on 'hacktivism' and those related justifications based on non-violence and often through a civil disobedience framework. For example, Kenneth Himma argues hacktivism is 'the commission of an unauthorized digital intrusion for the purpose of expressing a political or moral position' and is 'nonviolent in nature ' (2008: 200).…”

Section: Filling the Void: Hackers Using Political Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

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An Ethical Framework for Hacking Operations

Bellaby

2021

Ethic Theory Moral Prac

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In recent years the power and reach of prominent hacker groups such as Anonymous and LulzSec has been clearly demonstrated. However, in a world where hackers are able to wield significant online power, can they do so ethically as legitimate agents? To answer this question this paper will develop an ethical framework based on the premise that hackers have exhibited instances where they have acted to protect people from harm at a time when there was no one else to do so. At its core this paper will argue that political hacking can be justified when it is done to protect the vital interests of oneself or others. Moreover, it will also argue that just because hackers are outside the state does not automatically discount them as ethical actors and that when the state fails to protect people – whether it is due to a lack of ability, political will or because the state is the source of the threat – hackers can fill the void. In order to achieve this, first it is necessary to highlight the space for hackers to operate; second, guide hacker activity by creating an ethical framework detailing what actions are justified towards what end; third, to offer mechanisms that can aid in reaching these ethically justified decisions; and as a result, inform further ethical debates on how to react to these political hackers. This means that the framework can be used to both justify and condemn hacking depending on the circumstances, allowing those on the outside to distil and evaluate a political hack, both past and present, while guiding hacker collectives by providing clearer ethical tools for determining the appropriate agendas and methods.

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Section: Filling the Void: Hackers Using Political Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…See Scheuerman (2016), Brownlee (2016) Celikates (2016) (Sauter 2015) Ludlow (2013). CandiceDelmas (2018) is at the forefront of this debate, giving a detailed view of the different avenues taken and puts develops their own framework for hacking and civil disobedience. However, this is a separate debate to the one being had here.…”

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confidence: 99%

An Ethical Framework for Hacking Operations

Bellaby

2021

Ethic Theory Moral Prac

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“…Another example would be governmental regulations of the cyberspace. It can be seriously doubted whether those who are regulated really had a say in the issuing of those regulations (Delmas, 2018). In such cases, while uncivil disobedience doesn't contribute to the realization of procedural considerations, it does not conflict with such considerations either; for the laws that are targeted might be incompatible with the relevant procedural considerations in the first place.…”

Section: Procedural Justificationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Delmas (2018), for example, argues that hacktivism can't just be shoehorned into the traditional framework of civil disobedience: "To accommodate novel forms of digital resistance, what is called for is neither an unreflective application of an ill-fitting and too narrow concept of civil disobedience, nor an extension of the latter concept beyond recognition. Instead, we need to enrich our conceptual framework and devise additional lenses besides ECD [i.e.…”

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confidence: 99%

Justifying Uncivil Disobedience

Lai¹

2019

Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy Volume 5

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A prominent way of justifying civil disobedience is to postulate a pro tanto duty to obey the law and to argue that the considerations that ground this duty sometimes justify forms of civil disobedience. However, this view entails that certain kinds of uncivil disobedience are also justified. Thus, either a) civil disobedience is never justified or b) uncivil disobedience is sometimes justified. Since a) is implausible, we should accept b). I respond to the objection that this ignores the fact that civil disobedience enjoys a special normative status on account of instantiating certain special features: nonviolence, publicity, the acceptance of legal consequences, and conscientiousness. I then show that my view is superior to two rivals: the view that we should expand the notion of civility and that civil disobedience, expansively construed, is uniquely appropriate; and the view that uncivil disobedience is justifiable in but only in unfavorable conditions.

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“…Marara was a powerful warrior, descended from Gihana, the son of Mwami Rujugira (r. c.1770-1786), who was also famous as a warrior (Rujugira was known as 'the fighting king'). 37 Marara had been overshadowed by Rugaju and attempted on numerous occasions to win back his prominence, including challenging Rugaju at least twice in meeting battle objectives. 38 Though Marara won both of these challenges, enriching him with cattle and earning him ferocious loyalty from his soldiers, they did not lower Rugaju's esteem in the eyes of Gahindiro.…”

Section: Elite Women and The Exercise Of Powermentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Tomorrow She Will Reign’: Intimate Power and the Making of a Queen Mother in Rwanda, c.1800–1863

Watkins¹

2017

Gender & History

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This article explores the relationship between erotic and institutional power through the political biography of the Queen‐Mother (Umugabekazi) Nyiramongi (r. 1845–1863) in Rwanda. Using historical narratives, genealogies, epic poetry and the translated text of royal rituals, this article argues that Nyiramongi used her status as first an object of desire and then as an erotic partner to her husband to manoeuver herself and her family into positions of institutional power. In contrast to previous literature, this article frames women like Nyiramongi as political actors who consciously cultivated their intimate assets to participate in the construction of systems of power, using their status as daughters, wives, lovers, mothers and sisters to exercise indirect power, often leading to positions of institutional and direct power.

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Is Hacktivism the New Civil Disobedience?

Cited by 13 publications

References 1 publication

An Ethical Framework for Hacking Operations

An Ethical Framework for Hacking Operations

Justifying Uncivil Disobedience

‘Tomorrow She Will Reign’: Intimate Power and the Making of a Queen Mother in Rwanda, c.1800–1863

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