Is Running Enough? Reconsidering the Conventional Wisdom about Women Candidates

Bucchianeri, Peter

doi:10.1007/s11109-017-9407-7

Cited by 24 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 48 publications

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“…While some research has found little to no gender gap in voters’ willingness to cast ballots for female candidates (Dittmar, 2017; Dolan & Lynch, 2014; Fox, 2018; Hayes & Lawless, 2016; Welch et al, 1987; Zipp & Plutzer, 1985), more recent studies call for further investigation into partisan differences (Barnes & Cassese, 2017; Burder et al, 2017; Deckman, 2016; Ondercin, 2017). When partisanship is considered as an important moderator, rather than a confounder to be controlled for, voter bias against female candidates emerges on the Republican side (Bucchianeri, 2018; King & Matland, 2003; Sanbonmatsu & Dolan, 2009; Schwarz & Coppock, 2022; Thomsen, 2020). Thus, one contribution this study makes to literature on whether voters exhibit gender bias is to carefully consider the role of potential bias among subgroups of voters within the Democratic and Republican parties.…”

Section: Women’s Underrepresentation In Us Politics: the Role Of Vote...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Ingroup Bias, Partisanship, and Gendered Voting

West

2022

Political Psychology

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This study uses a novel experimental approach to isolate "expressive" or "noninstrumental" payoffs to voting along identity lines, separating them from "substantive" motivations. Applying social identity theory to the case of gender in U.S. elections, the study answers the question: Do some men and women receive a purely expressive payoff from preferring same-gender candidates? A series of experiments test whether a purely expressive payoff from voting along gender lines is stronger among certain voters. Employing a self-affirmation treatment and measures of group-identity attachment, as well as a voting vignette, the evidence shows that Republican men receive a purely expressive payoff from voting for male over female candidates. That is, Republican men's preference for a male over a female candidate can be reduced by a self-affirmation treatment that has subjects focus on their individuating characteristics, thereby temporarily "detaching" them from their group attachments. Women and Democratic men are not affected by the self-affirmation treatment. This study deepens our understanding of voter gender bias in the United States, with a particular focus on the implications of ingroup bias among certain partisan voters for the supply of female candidates within party primary elections.

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Section: Women’s Underrepresentation In Us Politics: the Role Of Vote...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Ingroup Bias, Partisanship, and Gendered Voting

West

2022

Political Psychology

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“…Indeed, recent work has suggested that women may be discriminated against in general elections by party elites. Leveraging close primaries, Bucchianeri (2018) demonstrates that Republican women nominees receive fewer donations than Republican men nominees in the subsequent general election contest, reducing women's success rate. While not explicitly testing party support, this finding suggests that party elites may be practicing taste-based discrimination, a form of prejudice where negative outcomes are incurred (in this case, losing a general election) to prioritize a symbolic or psychological victory via discrimination (Broockman and Soltas 2018).…”

Section: Party Support Of Racial/ethnic Minorities and Womenmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While not explicitly testing party support, this finding suggests that party elites may be practicing taste-based discrimination, a form of prejudice where negative outcomes are incurred (in this case, losing a general election) to prioritize a symbolic or psychological victory via discrimination (Broockman and Soltas 2018). Taste-based discrimination seems more likely than statistical discrimination rooted in actual perceptions of candidate viability, as minority candidates often win office with substantial co-partisan non-minority support once clearing the nomination stage (B. L. Fraga 2019;Juenke 2014;Juenke and Shah 2016;Shah 2014), women perform just as well as men at the general election ballot box (Dolan 2004, but see Bucchianeri 2018), and women outperform men in a variety of electorally advantageous congressional activities once reaching office (Anzia and Berry 2011).…”

Section: Party Support Of Racial/ethnic Minorities and Womenmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are Minority and Women Candidates Penalized by Party Politics? Race, Gender, and Access to Party Support

Fraga

Hassell

2020

Political Research Quarterly

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Racial/ethnic minorities and women continue to be underrepresented in public office in the United States. Here, we evaluate the role of general election political party support for women and minorities in structuring these inequalities, as a key part of general election success is support from party networks. With detailed data on party support and the demographics of congressional candidates, we use two difference-in-differences strategies to leverage within-district and candidate-constant change over time. Thus, we are able to separate the effect of race/ethnicity and gender from other factors we demonstrate to be associated with party support. We find that, all else equal, Democratic and Republican minority nominees do not receive less support than their white counterparts. We also find that white women receive more party support from Democrats than Democratic men or minority women in the general election and that this support is more responsive to changes in electoral competitiveness. These findings suggest that party elites may provide additional support to candidates from underrepresented groups in the general election to broaden their appeal to voters.

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“…From the perspective of conservative women, framing their identities and efforts in terms of feminism may also yield negative electoral outcomes. Republicans are less likely to vote for Republican women as they perceive them as being too liberal, lacking in party fit (Bucchianeri 2017; King and Matland 2003; Thomsen 2015) and/or less emotionally suited for political leadership positions (Sanbonmatsu and Dolan 2009). Compared with their Democratic female counterparts, for example, Republican women did not fare as well in the 2010 and 2012 primaries, in which, in most cases, they had male Republican opponents 3 .…”

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confidence: 99%

Is There a Conservative Feminism? An Empirical Account

Schreiber

2018

Pol & Gen

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The question of conservative feminism in the United States did not really arise before the 2008 elections; most politically active conservative women leaders did not refer to themselves as feminists. Sarah Palin's vice presidential bid, however, prompted a shift. On a number of well-publicized occasions, Palin called herself a feminist, generating considerable discussion over whether conservative feminism is now a political movement. Using data from in-depth interviews with conservative women leaders, this article asks whether conservative women in the United States identify as feminists. Findings indicate that on the whole they do not, but conservative women are important gender-conscious political actors whose efforts compel questions about ideology and women's activism. Implications for understanding feminist and conservative movement politics more broadly are also explored.

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Is Running Enough? Reconsidering the Conventional Wisdom about Women Candidates

Cited by 24 publications

References 48 publications

Ingroup Bias, Partisanship, and Gendered Voting

Ingroup Bias, Partisanship, and Gendered Voting

Are Minority and Women Candidates Penalized by Party Politics? Race, Gender, and Access to Party Support

Is There a Conservative Feminism? An Empirical Account

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