Is Russia's Foreign Policy That of a Corporatist-Kleptocratic Regime?

Dawisha, Karen

doi:10.2747/1060-586x.27.4.331

Cited by 21 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…Karen Dawisha discusses what she calls "kleptocracy" and "corporatism" in Russia, and applies these concepts to foreign dealings in the energy sector in particular. 19 However, she uses the "corporatism" term somewhat differently from the way it has been traditionally used in the comparative politics literature, 20 concentrating on the large-scale but rather amorphous world-view blocs that are unique to Russia today, such as the siloviki power ministry members versus economic modernizers. Rather than providing a generalizable argument about what motivates foreign policy in informal politics regimes, Dawisha's implications focus on a narrow, if very sophisticated, understanding of the current Russian case.…”

Section: Trends In Russian Foreign Policy Analysismentioning

confidence: 98%

Informal Political Networks and Putin’s Foreign Policy: The Examples of Iran and Syria

Marten¹

2015

Problems of Post-Communism

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Section: Trends In Russian Foreign Policy Analysismentioning

confidence: 98%

Informal Political Networks and Putin’s Foreign Policy: The Examples of Iran and Syria

Marten¹

2015

Problems of Post-Communism

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“…Scholars have done excellent work on the coercive and personalist nature of this regime (Soldatov and Borogan, 2010;Dawisha, 2011Dawisha, , 2014Taylor, 2011Taylor, , 2018Hale, 2015;Volkov, 2016;Easter, 2017;Rivera and Rivera, 2018;Shamiev and Renz, 2023). Yet the ways in which the Russian autocracy is deeply imbued with masculine behaviors, language, and interconnections has been much less studied.…”

Section: Focus Of This Articlementioning

confidence: 99%

Gender systems in the Putin autocracy

Wood

2024

Front. Sociol.

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Over the last 23 years, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s autocracy has revealed a set of interlocking gender systems that have come to the fore particularly vividly since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. How, this article asks, have the masculinist cultural and political practices of the Putin regime undermined democratic practices and engagement broadly speaking? How have they organized Russian state and society in ways that have led to today’s war in Ukraine with its massive destruction, violence, and brutality? And have there been earlier signals that should have warned observers that this regime might undertake such a war of aggression? Drawing on public, mass media data, this article analyzes the gendered structures of power in Russia that have contributed to the degeneration of democracy in three main areas: (1) male-on-male domination in discourse and practice that supports Putin’s personal rule and emasculates his enemies; (2) the elevation of male power clans, including the President’s personal praetorian guard and the Russian private military companies; and (3) the overall taming and emasculation of the Russian Parliament combined with the elevation of tough women deputies, whom I call the Baba Commissars. These female MPs support the President’s domination by creating an appearance of a threatening outside world that needs to be kept at bay. At the same time, they support a neo-traditional gender order with women managing the house under the direction of the patriarchal male leader.

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“…Russia's Greater European initiatives were typically seen in the West as being little more than a cover for the establishment of a "greater Russia" by stealth. These concerns were exacerbated by Western perceptions of Russian "democratic backsliding" and the rise of "kleptocratic authoritarianism" (Dawisha, 2011(Dawisha, , 2014, as well as the view that Russia was sowing divisions in Europe (Leonard & Popescu, 2007). Russia's more assertive energy policies, such as the gas supply disruptions with Ukraine in early 2006 and again in early 2009, reinforced these fears.…”

Section: Greater Europementioning

confidence: 99%

Sad delusions: The decline and rise of Greater Europe

Sakwa

2021

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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The end of the Cold War was accompanied by the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall represented the beginning of the unification of Europe. Mikhail Gorbachev talked in terms of a “Common European Home,” an idea that continues in the guise of the project for a “Greater Europe.” However, right from the start, the transformative idea of Greater Europe was countered by the notion of “Europe whole and free,” whose fundamental dynamic was the enlargement of the existing West European order to encompass the rest of the continent. This was a program for the enlargement of the Atlantic system. After some prevarication, the enlargement agenda proved unacceptable to Moscow, and while it continues to argue in favor of transformation its main efforts are now devoted to creating some sort of “greater Eurasia.” There remains a fundamental tension between Atlanticist and pan-continental version of the post-–Cold War international order in the region. This tension gave rise to conflict and war: in 2008 (the Russo-Georgian War) and again from 2014 (Ukraine), and to what some call the Second Cold War. The continent is once again divided. However, pan-continentalism is far from dead, and although Greater Eurasian ideas have thrived, some sort of Greater European continentalism remains on the agenda. Is this, though, no more than a “sad delusion” or a genuine possibility?

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Is Russia's Foreign Policy That of a Corporatist-Kleptocratic Regime?

Cited by 21 publications

References 16 publications

Informal Political Networks and Putin’s Foreign Policy: The Examples of Iran and Syria

Informal Political Networks and Putin’s Foreign Policy: The Examples of Iran and Syria

Gender systems in the Putin autocracy

Sad delusions: The decline and rise of Greater Europe

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