T his article intervenes in the debate on the place of religious arguments in public reason. I advance the debate not by asking whether something called "religious reasons" ought to be invoked in the justification of coercive laws, but by creating a typology of (a) different kinds and forms of religious arguments and, more importantly, (b) different areas of political and social life which coercive laws regulate or about which human political communities deliberate. Religious arguments are of many different kinds, are offered to others in a variety of ways, and the spheres of life about which communities deliberate pose distinct moral questions. Turning back to the public reason debate, I argue then that political liberals ought to be concerned primarily about the invocation of a certain subset of religious reasons in a certain subset of areas of human activity, but also that inclusivist arguments on behalf of religious contributions to public deliberation fail to justify the use of religious arguments in all areas of public deliberation. all gave invaluable feedback and suggestions for improvement on revised drafts of the article. Naz Modirzadeh helped with a particularly, and characteristically, incisive close reading, without which an adequate revision would not have been possible. Finally, I am grateful to Devin Gouré for crucial research and editorial assistance at multiple stages.to religious concerns in the broader public sphere than public reason liberalism. However, on my reading, the shared concerns with reciprocity, reason giving, and the ideal of consensus mean that discourse-theoretic approaches to religion and public reason have more in common with political liberalism than with any of the strongly inclusivist positions.