Is There an Ingroup Advantage in Recognizing Spontaneously Expressed Emotions?

Matsumoto, David; Olide, Andres; Willingham, Bob

doi:10.1007/s10919-009-0068-z

Cited by 33 publications

(35 citation statements)

References 38 publications

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“…Though actors spend many years perfecting the authenticity and clarity of their portrayals of human behavior and emotions (Goldstein and Bloom, 2011), acted emotional expressions may still be more stereotyped and more intense than spontaneous expressions (Wilting et al, 2006; Laukka et al, 2012, but, see Jürgens et al, 2011; Scherer, 2013), and are thought to be more strongly bound by social codes (Hunt, 1941; Matsumoto et al, 2009). In addition, preselected, stereotypical expressions might conceal possible effects of response biases in cross-culture studies due to their clear and unmistakable expression patterns (Wagner, 1993; Elfenbein et al, 2002).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Specifically, more stereotyped displays should be recognized more easily across cultures (Elfenbein et al, 2007). If, in contrast, acting reflects a socially learned code, then the higher recognition of play-acted anger should disappear in the other two cultures (Hunt, 1941; Matsumoto et al, 2009), with a stronger effect in Indonesian than Romanian participants, due to cultural distance. If collectivistic societies foster a response bias against negative emotions, Romanian and Indonesian participants should reveal a bias against judging an emotion as anger, fear, or sadness in contrast to the German participants (Matsumoto, 1992; Elfenbein et al, 2002).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Encoding Conditions Affect Recognition of Vocally Expressed Emotions Across Cultures

Jürgens¹,

Drolet²,

Pirow³

et al. 2013

Front. Psychol.

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Although the expression of emotions in humans is considered to be largely universal, cultural effects contribute to both emotion expression and recognition. To disentangle the interplay between these factors, play-acted and authentic (non-instructed) vocal expressions of emotions were used, on the assumption that cultural effects may contribute differentially to the recognition of staged and spontaneous emotions. Speech tokens depicting four emotions (anger, sadness, joy, fear) were obtained from German radio archives and re-enacted by professional actors, and presented to 120 participants from Germany, Romania, and Indonesia. Participants in all three countries were poor at distinguishing between play-acted and spontaneous emotional utterances (58.73% correct on average with only marginal cultural differences). Nevertheless, authenticity influenced emotion recognition: across cultures, anger was recognized more accurately when play-acted (z = 15.06, p < 0.001) and sadness when authentic (z = 6.63, p < 0.001), replicating previous findings from German populations. German subjects revealed a slight advantage in recognizing emotions, indicating a moderate in-group advantage. There was no difference between Romanian and Indonesian subjects in the overall emotion recognition. Differential cultural effects became particularly apparent in terms of differential biases in emotion attribution. While all participants labeled play-acted expressions as anger more frequently than expected, German participants exhibited a further bias toward choosing anger for spontaneous stimuli. In contrast to the German sample, Romanian and Indonesian participants were biased toward choosing sadness. These results support the view that emotion recognition rests on a complex interaction of human universals and cultural specificities. Whether and in which way the observed biases are linked to cultural differences in self-construal remains an issue for further investigation.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Encoding Conditions Affect Recognition of Vocally Expressed Emotions Across Cultures

Jürgens¹,

Drolet²,

Pirow³

et al. 2013

Front. Psychol.

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“…No in-group advantage was found for status-role recognition in any of the countries comparable the one reported for the recognition of emotions from facial expressions (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002aMatsumoto, 2002;Matsumoto et al, 2009). The fact that observers were not able to correctly identify status roles in the US and the UAE sample even if observer and stimulus country matched might cast some doubt on the effectiveness of our status role inductions.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 53%

“…This methodology has recently been introduced in cross-cultural research (Bente, Senokozlieva, Pennig, Al-Issa, & Fischer, 2008) and has been used in the current study to identify universalities and cultural specificities in the recognition of status roles, in the perception of dominance and in social evaluation based on nonverbal behavior. In particular we asked whether status-roles assigned to interlocutors can be identified independently from the country of origin of actors and observers or whether there is an in-group advantage for the recognition of power status comparable to the one described for the recognition of emotions from facial expressions (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002a, 2002bElfenbein & Ambady, 2003;Matsumoto, 2002;Matsumoto, Olide, & Willingham, 2009). Further we aimed to explore the influence of culture on the production and perception of social dominance cues and liking and to determine how these two impression dimensions covary within and across cultures.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The others: Universals and cultural specificities in the perception of status and dominance from nonverbal behavior

Bente

Leuschner

Issa

et al. 2010

Consciousness and Cognition

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“…A rich body of studies (mostly with the Japanese) has suggested that Easterners are emotionally restrained [32], [33], [34], [35]. For example, Kitayama, Markus, and Kurokawa [32] demonstrated that individuals from Japanese cultural contexts report experiencing emotions less intensely than those from American cultural contexts.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Eyes Are Windows to the Chinese Soul: Evidence from the Detection of Real and Fake Smiles

Mai

Lin

et al. 2011

PLoS ONE

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How do people interpret the meaning of a smile? Previous studies with Westerners have found that both the eyes and the mouth are crucial in identifying and interpreting smiles, yet less is known about Easterners. Here we reported that when asking the Chinese to judge the Duchenne and non-Duchenne smiles as either real or fake, their accuracy and sensitivity were negatively correlated with their individualism scores but positively correlated with their collectivism scores. However, such correlations were found only for participants who stated the eyes to be the most useful references, but not for those who favored the mouth. Moreover, participants who favored the eyes were more accurate and sensitive than those who favored the mouth. Our results thus indicate that Chinese who follow the typical Eastern decoding process of using the eyes as diagnostic cues to identify and interpret others' facial expressions and social intentions, are particularly accurate and sensitive, the more they self-report greater collectivistic and lower individualistic values.

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Is There an Ingroup Advantage in Recognizing Spontaneously Expressed Emotions?

Cited by 33 publications

References 38 publications

Encoding Conditions Affect Recognition of Vocally Expressed Emotions Across Cultures

Encoding Conditions Affect Recognition of Vocally Expressed Emotions Across Cultures

The others: Universals and cultural specificities in the perception of status and dominance from nonverbal behavior

Eyes Are Windows to the Chinese Soul: Evidence from the Detection of Real and Fake Smiles

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