2009
DOI: 10.1080/13510340802575890
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Islamist moderation without democratization: the coming of age of the Moroccan Party of Justice and Development?

Abstract: This article studies a novel factor relevant for the moderation of an Islamist party: the degree of dependency on a social movement organization. This question is examined in a case study analysing the evolution of the relationship between the Moroccan Islamist party, Party of Justice and Development (PJD), and its founding social movement organization. Over time, the PJD has been gaining autonomy, becoming more moderate and simultaneously gaining strength. Contemporaneously, liberalization in Morocco has been… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

0
16
0
1

Year Published

2012
2012
2024
2024

Publication Types

Select...
7
2
1

Relationship

1
9

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 48 publications
(17 citation statements)
references
References 7 publications
0
16
0
1
Order By: Relevance
“…Scholars such as Cavatorta and Merone (2013) have argued quite the opposite, namely that exclusion can lead to moderation and thus does not necessarily result in radicalization, whilst others have highlighted problems such as e.g., the reality that the inclusion-moderation hypothesis assumes that the concept of moderation is uncontested amongst scholars, and the reality that it adopts a mechanical and linear approach to change (Al-Anani, 2019; Karakaya & Yildirim, 2013;Kirdiş, 2018;Pahwa, 2017). Finally, scholars have pointed out that Islamist inclusion does not necessarily result in moderation, nor does it inevitably give rise to democratization (Wegner & Pellicer, 2009).…”
Section: From Post-rebel Parties To Islamist Inclusion and Moderationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Scholars such as Cavatorta and Merone (2013) have argued quite the opposite, namely that exclusion can lead to moderation and thus does not necessarily result in radicalization, whilst others have highlighted problems such as e.g., the reality that the inclusion-moderation hypothesis assumes that the concept of moderation is uncontested amongst scholars, and the reality that it adopts a mechanical and linear approach to change (Al-Anani, 2019; Karakaya & Yildirim, 2013;Kirdiş, 2018;Pahwa, 2017). Finally, scholars have pointed out that Islamist inclusion does not necessarily result in moderation, nor does it inevitably give rise to democratization (Wegner & Pellicer, 2009).…”
Section: From Post-rebel Parties To Islamist Inclusion and Moderationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In fact, the reverse has been the case in the post‐uprisings period, with Islamist parties having their “Islamist character” doubted (Chamkhi, ). For instance, Wegner and Pellicer () argue that Morocco’s PJD has retained its moderate stand, despite the reversal of political reforms launched in the aftermath of the upheavals. The PJD have not previously held the parliament; it is not an antiregime party; and it also possesses the capability of reinforcing democratization in the country with its electoral victories and popular support.…”
Section: The Response Of the Monarchy: Actors And Choicesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet, participation in democratic process alone is insufficient as an indicator of moderation. For example, Nancy Bermeo, who argues that moderation is not a necessary condition for democracy (Wegner and Pellicer, 2009). Yet, 'inclusion' may be a way of moderating radical political actors, or at the very least elevating moderates and weakening radicals (Schwedler, 2011).…”
Section: Western Contextualization Of Moderationmentioning
confidence: 99%