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This article considers ‘post-MeToo’ media culture through a close reading of Olivia Wilde’s 2022 film Don’t Worry Darling by drawing primarily on Jacques Lacan’s approach to anxiety. #MeToo indexed, in its marking of ‘#’, in its saying, in its hashing out, that the ‘me’ of feminist subjectivity and the ‘too’ of a collective form of that subjectivity always bears a marked remainder. There is something which the symbolic will always miss; so too do fantasies of a united feminism, under the signifier ‘#MeToo’ lack. Some years after the #MeToo moment, the movement which it appeared to promise wanes. Revanchist patriarchy surges forth with eruption of #TradWives on TikTok, and the exhaustion of #MeToo in the wake of clapbacks and callouts of ‘cancel culture’. This paper returns to the original site where #MeToo irrupted – Hollywood – through a consideration of Don’t Worry Darling. Branded a ‘feminist psychological thriller in the wake of #MeToo’ by director Olivia Wilde, the film presents a trad wife dreamworld governed by a Jordan Peterson like guru. Drawing on Lacan, I argue that Don’t Worry Darling, in its spectacular box office failure, surrounding sexual scandal, and in the narrative itself, works as an index of feminist, but also patriarchal, anxieties after #MeToo.
This article considers ‘post-MeToo’ media culture through a close reading of Olivia Wilde’s 2022 film Don’t Worry Darling by drawing primarily on Jacques Lacan’s approach to anxiety. #MeToo indexed, in its marking of ‘#’, in its saying, in its hashing out, that the ‘me’ of feminist subjectivity and the ‘too’ of a collective form of that subjectivity always bears a marked remainder. There is something which the symbolic will always miss; so too do fantasies of a united feminism, under the signifier ‘#MeToo’ lack. Some years after the #MeToo moment, the movement which it appeared to promise wanes. Revanchist patriarchy surges forth with eruption of #TradWives on TikTok, and the exhaustion of #MeToo in the wake of clapbacks and callouts of ‘cancel culture’. This paper returns to the original site where #MeToo irrupted – Hollywood – through a consideration of Don’t Worry Darling. Branded a ‘feminist psychological thriller in the wake of #MeToo’ by director Olivia Wilde, the film presents a trad wife dreamworld governed by a Jordan Peterson like guru. Drawing on Lacan, I argue that Don’t Worry Darling, in its spectacular box office failure, surrounding sexual scandal, and in the narrative itself, works as an index of feminist, but also patriarchal, anxieties after #MeToo.
Purpose This paper aims to examine cases and incidents of workplace sexual harassment and propose policy measures to prevent and handle them in the Nepalese context. Design/methodology/approach It is based on document analysis and a survey. It raises two research questions and to address them, legal cases were analysed and a field survey was undertaken to collect the responses of female employees. Findings Sexual harassment is a serious and prevalent issue for female employees in Nepal. Sexual abuse, teasing and touching bodies are common forms of sexual harassment observed in Nepalese workplaces. Male colleagues, managers and clients/customers are accused as the main perpetrators. Some female employees are harassed through the use of social media including the internet, Facebook, Viber messaging, text messages and phone calls. At the organisational level, low employment opportunities, female employees’ involvement in informal sector work and less choice for them to shift jobs in the market are the major reasons for what is happening at workplaces for female employees. Research limitations/implications This paper excludes harassment cases of male employees. The nature and gravity of harassment issues and impacts vary across countries; thus, it is difficult to generalise the results of this research across countries. Practical implications This research could be an eye-opener for policymakers, managers and researchers to engage proactively and intensively in diagnosing and curing sexual harassment incidents in workplaces. Originality/value This paper provides evidence of sexual harassment cases and some policy measures to prevent and handle such problems at work. These measures can raise awareness among organisations and employees about the rights of women and the detrimental effects of sexual harassment.
In the intersection of local and transnational oppression, global power hierarchies, and the dominance of global North in global civil society, social movements in the global South under authoritarian regimes usually cannot gain international attention and become a global human rights concern. Considering the global momentum toward authoritarianism and illiberalism and the salient role of large-scale media attention on the course of movements, it is important to understand how some social movements in such conditions can attract global awareness. By extending the social movements literature to the global scale using world society theory, this study argues that biases in global civil society affect the chance of a domestic movement in attracting global awareness and becoming a worldwide human rights concern. Domestic movements aligned with world society scripts get picked up by international organizations, governments of other countries, international media, and to a lesser degree citizens of other countries. The process pushes a domestic struggle to the human rights stage by creating a globally resonant frame with high salience and credibility. The argument is tested by focusing on the prioritization of women’s rights over economic rights in global civil society with analysis of the international discourse regarding Women, Life, Freedom movement and Bloody November movement in Iran on both news media and social media using natural language processing methods. The findings show that global civil society turned the Women, Life, Freedom movement into a human rights concern in need of urgent global support by emphasizing on its women’s rights dimensions and minimizing its revolutionary and economic aspects. Conversely, the Bloody November movement, mainly framed as an uprising with economic roots and anti-systemic character, was not able to receive widescale international attention or support.
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