2018
DOI: 10.1017/gov.2018.35
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Italian Political Parties and Military Operations: An Empirical Analysis on Voting Patterns

Abstract: Since the end of the bipolar era, the military activism of several Western powers has raised questions about parliamentary control, fostering growing research and analyses on the features, drivers and consequences of the different kinds of oversight exercised by legislative assemblies. Within this scholarly debate, this article focuses on the under-studied case of Italy. How did Italian parties vote on military operations abroad in the post-Cold War era? In order to answer this question, the article presents t… Show more

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Cited by 28 publications
(14 citation statements)
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References 39 publications
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“…On the other hand, LN did not consider participation in the air strikes against the Libyan regime as a crucial issue per se and, conversely, was not afraid of making the government fall for other reasons. In line with Coticchia and Vignoli (2018), this finding suggests a variation in extreme parties' opposition to troop deployments during this period in Italy: while extreme-left parties rooted their dissent on profound pacifist beliefs, LNs had a more instrumental approach.…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 55%
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“…On the other hand, LN did not consider participation in the air strikes against the Libyan regime as a crucial issue per se and, conversely, was not afraid of making the government fall for other reasons. In line with Coticchia and Vignoli (2018), this finding suggests a variation in extreme parties' opposition to troop deployments during this period in Italy: while extreme-left parties rooted their dissent on profound pacifist beliefs, LNs had a more instrumental approach.…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 55%
“…In fact, it explains why coalition cabinets composed by parties with supposedly diverging point of views on this issue managed to survive. Furthermore, in line with Coticchia and Vignoli (2018), the article highlights variation in extreme partners' opposition to MOA in Italy: more 'ideological' for extreme-left parties and more instrumental for LN.…”
mentioning
confidence: 74%
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“…A score of 0.33 was assigned to cases where parliamentary consent was sought after troops were deployed or that lacked a legal requirement of parliamentary approval and where governments put their decision to vote without there having been any prior involvement of parliament. This was the case for the deployment votes in Italy and for the votes in the UK's House of Commons on Iraq, Libya, and Syria (Mello, 2017;Coticchia and Vignoli, 2018;Strong, 2018). A score of 0 was assigned to deployment votes in France, where voting on military deployment is only required after 4 months, and to Belgium's parliamentary vote on the French-led operation Serval, which was an ex post legitimatization of a government's decision without parliament having an actual impact on the decision (Ostermann, 2017;Reykers and Fonck, 2018: 690).…”
Section: Divisiveness Deployment Decision and Parliamentary Involvementmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…These paths cover six Italian cases of political contestation, which show that it is difficult to find broad consensus in a fractionalized parliament. With the exception of some more controversial operations, such as the 2003 Iraq War, there was a bipartisan consensus between Italy's main centreleft and centre-right parties on military operations (Ignazi et al, 2012;Coticchia and Vignoli, 2018). However, operations that enjoyed such bipartisan support, such as the 1990 Persian Gulf War or the 1992 UN operation in Somalia, were contested by Italy's radical-left parties.…”
Section: Involvement Fractionalization and Ideological Orientation Omentioning
confidence: 99%