Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh: Women, Democracy and the Transformation of Islamist Politics

Abstract

This article argues that leaders of the Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh regularly invoke women's privileged status as mothers to counter the claims of the largely secularist non-governmental organizations operating in the country today that Islam has been harmful to women and that the only route to progress is to discard the shackles of religion and tradition. The current Jamaat rhetoric marks a significant change from the original Jamaat position-elaborated by the party's founder Abul Ala Maududi-that women's divinely ordained place is in the home. Now, several decades later, Jamaat leaders in Bangladesh still enjoin women to fulfil domestic obligations; however, they also go to great lengths to highlight Islam's recognition of women as 'individuals' with 'individual' responsibilities to God and Islam as well as Islam's support for women's right to study, work and vote. I contend that the Jamaat in Bangladesh has been prompted to undertake these recent modifications by specific developments in local social and political contexts, specifically the twin pressures on the Jamaat of operating in a functioning, if often imperfect, democratic polity; and of competing with more secular organizations for the hearts, minds and votes of impoverished women.

‘Safeguarding Islam’ in modern times: Politics, piety and Hefazat-e-Islami ‘ulama in Bangladesh

“…In the aftermath of the formation of a women’s development policy in Bangladesh, followed by the ratification of the CEDAW 16 and the Beijing Platform for Action (BPA), the women’s question became a battleground for both ‘ulama and feminist activists in asserting their manifestations. Since then, feminists and secular activists in Bangladesh, consistently criticise the Qur’ānic provisions of inheritance and argue that “Islam has been harmful to women and the only route to progress is to discard the shackles of religion and tradition” (Shehabuddin 2008, 578). On the other hand, HI ‘ulama were concerned that the policy would disrupt the integrity of the Muslim legal order and the society by amending the Muslim Personal Law.…”

“…Indeed, within religious sphere, “a non-patriarchal reading of Islam” is not only plausible but also burgeoning (Ahmad 2008, 551). Working on JI, Shehabuddin (2008) and Huq (2008) also discuss how Islamists in Bangladesh make concessions, shift positions, and provide pragmatic compromises which resulted in a shift from their own avowed policy. Hence, HI’s position on women is neither monolithic nor static for a number of reasons.…”

Quinn Mecham and Julie Chernov Hwang (eds), Islamist Parties and Political Normalization in the Muslim World, Reviewed by: Raja M Ali Saleem

“…If mainstream parties adopt Islamic discourses and themes and encroach on their base, as happened during the 1990s in Bangladesh, niche parties may become more extreme to keep their core support intact. Conversely, there is also some evidence that Bangladesh's Islamist parties are not the exception to the rule and have normalized some of their extreme positions (Shehabuddin, 2008).…”

Talking Jihad and Piety: Reformist Exertions among Islamist women in Bangladesh

“…6 The Islamist or Muslim religio-political party Jamaat-e-Islami was founded in colonial India in August 1914 with an agenda for religio-moral, social, and political transformation. 7 An exception is the pioneering work of Elora Shehabuddin (1999;, who focuses on the activities of adult women leaders of this movement, particularly their practices of targeting rural and often uneducated women in lobbying for votes for Jamaat. The founder, Abul Ala Maududi (1903-79), received his early education at home from his father, who received both religious and modern English education and had practised law in the British courts for a time.…”

“…More generally, however, pioneering inquiries into the various aspects of women's diverse practices of Islamic activism in South Asia have begun to address this gap, although none offers a substantive treatment of the particular issue of jihad in connection with broader Islamic activist practices (seeHaniffa 2008;Hegland 1998;2003;Huq 2008;Metcalf 1998;Shehabuddin 1999;. More generally, however, pioneering inquiries into the various aspects of women's diverse practices of Islamic activism in South Asia have begun to address this gap, although none offers a substantive treatment of the particular issue of jihad in connection with broader Islamic activist practices (seeHaniffa 2008;Hegland 1998;2003;Huq 2008;Metcalf 1998;Shehabuddin 1999;.…”