Japanese and American Infants' Responses to Arm Restraint

Camras, Linda A.; Oster, Harriet; Campos, Joseph J.; Miyake, Keisuke; Bradshaw, Donna L.

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179644.003.0014

Cited by 15 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…Several studies have found early differences between East Asian and Western European groups in the first 6–12 months of life that may be related to temperament. East Asian and European American infants differ in negative facial expressions (Camras, Oster, Campos, Miyake & Bradshaw, 1997, Camras, et al, 1998, Camras, Meng, et al, 2002). For example, Japanese infants had longer latencies to negative expressions at 5 and 12 months in an arm restraint procedure compared to American infants (Camras et al, 1997).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…East Asian and European American infants differ in negative facial expressions (Camras, Oster, Campos, Miyake & Bradshaw, 1997, Camras, et al, 1998, Camras, Meng, et al, 2002). For example, Japanese infants had longer latencies to negative expressions at 5 and 12 months in an arm restraint procedure compared to American infants (Camras et al, 1997). Japanese infants showed fewer cry mouth and lowered brow expressions, both characteristic of negative emotion (Camras, et al, 1998).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Cultural differences in emotional responses to success and failure

Lewis¹,

Takai-Kawakami

Kawakami

et al. 2009

International Journal of Behavioral Development

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The emotional responses to achievement contexts of 149 preschool children from three cultural groups were observed. The children were Japanese (N=32), African American (N=63) and White American of mixed European ancestry (N=54). The results showed that Japanese children differed from American children in expressing less shame, pride, and sadness, but more of both exposure and evaluative embarrassment. African American and White American children did not differ from one another. American children however showed more evaluative as opposed to exposure embarrassment. This finding supports the idea that success and failure are interpreted differently by Japanese children during the preschool years. The low amount of sadness and shame expression, and the limited range of number of different expressions observed in the Japanese children agree with the general finding that East Asian infants and young children differ from Western infants and children primarily in the display of negative expressions. These results demonstrate that cultural differences, whether due to temperament or direct socialization of cultural values, influence how children respond to achievement situations.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural differences in emotional responses to success and failure

Lewis¹,

Takai-Kawakami

Kawakami

et al. 2009

International Journal of Behavioral Development

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“…Theories of basic emotion have been strongly influenced by studies of facial expression, rooted in the work of Darwin (1872), who investigated the universality of facial expressions across a range of cultures. Contemporary research on facial expression of emotions has found support for its universality in infants across cultures (Camras, Oster, Campos, Miyake, & Bradshaw, 1992;Field, Woodson, Greenberg, & Cohen, 1982;Meltzoff & Moore, 1977), preliterate, media-isolated cultures (Ekman, 1992;Ekman & Friesen, 1971), and even in non-human primates (Chevalier-Skolnikoff, 1973;Ekman, 1973;Redican, 1982). This growing body of evidence has been used to argue not only for the universality of facial expressions (Dolan & Morris, 2000), but also for the universality of the emotions underlying these expressions.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Incorporating Emotions Specific to the Sexual Response into Theories of Emotion Using the Indiana Sexual and Affective Word Set

Stevenson

Rupp

et al. 2010

Arch Sex Behav

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The sexual response includes an emotional component, but it is not clear whether this component is specific to sex and whether it is best explained by dimensional or discrete emotion theories. To determine whether the emotional component of the sexual response is distinct from other emotions, participants (n = 1099) rated 1450 sexual and non-sexual words according to dimensional theories of emotion (using scales of valence, arousal, and dominance) and according to theories of basic emotion (using scales of happiness, anger, sadness, fear, and disgust). In addition, ratings were provided for newly developed scales of sexual valence, arousal, and energy. A factor analysis produced four factors, together accounting for 91.5% of the variance in participant ratings. Using logistic regression analysis, we found that one word category or factor, labeled "sexual," was predicted only by the new sexual arousal and energy scales. The remaining three factors, labeled "disgusting," "happy," and "basic aversive" were best predicted by basic (or discrete) emotion ratings. Dimensional ratings of valence, sexual valence, and arousal were not predictive of any of the four categories. These results suggest that the addition of sexually specific emotions to basic emotion theories is justified and needed to account fully for emotional responses to sexual stimuli. In addition, the findings provide initial validation for the Indiana Sexual and Affective Words Set (ISAWS), supporting its use in future studies.

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“…This task has been used successfully with infants aged 2 – 12 months (e.g., Bennett, Bendersky, & Lewis, 2005; Camras, Oster, Campos, Miyake, & Bradshaw, 1992; Moscardino & Axia, 2006). We videotaped infants’ reactions to a 2-minute arm restraint and subsequent 1-minute recovery period.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The development of negative reactivity in irritable newborns as a function of attachment

Sherman¹,

Stupica²,

Dykas³

et al. 2013

Infant Behavior and Development

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This longitudinal study builds on existing research exploring the developmental course of infants’ negative reactivity to frustration in a sample of 84 irritable infants. We investigated whether infants’ negative reactivity to frustration differed during the first year as a function of infant attachment classification. Various elements of the designs of previous studies investigating negative reactivity and attachment preclude the strong conclusion that negative reactivity develops differently as a function of attachment. Thus, we utilized the same observational assessment of infant negative reactivity, conducted without parental involvement, at 5 and 12 months. One proposition, based in attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969/1982; Cassidy, 1994), is that relative to secure infants, insecure-avoidant infants come to minimize their negative emotional reactions, whereas insecure-ambivalent infants come to maximize their negative emotional reactions. As expected, we found that at 5 months, attachment groups did not differ in reactivity, but at 12 months, insecure-avoidant infants were the least reactive, followed by secure infants, and insecure-ambivalent infants were the most reactive. Results are discussed in terms of conceptualizing the development of emotion regulation and their implications for future research.

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Japanese and American Infants' Responses to Arm Restraint

Cited by 15 publications

References 0 publications

Cultural differences in emotional responses to success and failure

Cultural differences in emotional responses to success and failure

Incorporating Emotions Specific to the Sexual Response into Theories of Emotion Using the Indiana Sexual and Affective Word Set

The development of negative reactivity in irritable newborns as a function of attachment

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