Jisoo M. Kim. The Emotions of Justice: Gender, Status, and Legal Performance in Chosŏn Korea .

Justice, Emotion, and Belonging: Legal Consciousness in a Taiwanese Family Conflict

“…Emotions, in simplified terms, are the "bodily sensations or feelings, of greater or lesser intensity" (Gould 2013) that arise in response to a situation, events, or experiences (Damasio 2004). A growing trend in legal consciousness research has begun to view the role of one's emotions in relation to the culturally embedded sense of self, giving them more weight in the development of legal consciousness than previously assumed and presenting an entirely different concept of how and when the law may become active in the thoughts and actions of individuals (Abrego 2011;Engel 2005;Engel 2016aEngel , 2016bEngel and Engel 2010;He et al 2013;Kim 2015;Liu 2018;Tungnirun 2018).…”

“…Sociolegal scholars have become increasingly drawn to the analysis of nonrational or preconscious cultural categories through which ordinary people comprehend their world, some of which are indirectly constituted by the law itself (Abrego ; Chua and Engel ; Engel ; Engel ; Engel and Engel ; Kim ; Liu ). The adoption of law does not depend solely on the categories and concepts of law nor is always based on conscious, rational thought.…”

Being One of Us: The Role of Mutual Recognition and Emotion in Shaping Legal Consciousness in a Taiwanese Neighbourhood Dispute

“…23 Young (2014); Abrego, supra note 18; Chua & Engel, supra note 13. 24 Engel & Engel, supra note 13; Engel, supra note 11; Kim (2016); Liu (2018). reciprocity, in-group loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity) that are aimed at developing ethical happiness in relationships, social groups, and organizations.…”

‘You Must Avenge on My Behalf’: Widow Chastity and Honour in Nineteenth‐Century Korea

“…20 As legal subjects, Chosȏn women were active participants in petitioning practice, and unlike women in imperial China, they were not circumscribed by having to petition through male proxies. 21 During early Chosȏn Korea, the state had legislated a set of four categories that limited the contents of petitions to grievances related to first, one's own death penalty; second, determining the paternity of illegitimate sons; third, distinguishing a legal wife from a concubine and fourth, differentiating between commoner status and slave status. 22 From the eighteenth century, however, the Chosȏn state redefined these four categories to conform to the broader boundaries of Confucian cardinal relations, revolving around the eligibility of legal proxies for litigation: sons' ability to petition for (grand-)parents, wives for their husbands, younger brothers for elder brothers and slaves for masters.…”