NorthWest Pakistani Mourning Rituals as Sites of Contestation over Religious Politics, Ethnicity, and Gender D uring revolutions, rebellions, and movements, women are often called on to serve contradictory roles. They are asked to perform workpolitical, communicative, networking, recruiting, military, manualthat generally goes beyond the society's usual gender restrictions. At the same time, women serve as symbols of movement identity, unity, commitment, and righteous entitlement. To fit into this idealized symbolic image, individual women must fulfill often "traditional" or even exaggerated "feminine" behavioral and attitudinal requirements, such as loyalty, obedience, selflessness, sacrifice, and "proper" deportment: all in all, they are to put aside any personal aspirations and wishes for self-fulfillment and give their all to promoting the values and interests of their nation, revolutionary movement, or social group. In serving the revolution, group, or movement, women gain skills, experience, and awareness of their own capabilities. However, they are to place all of this at the disposal of the revolutionary movement or, more precisely, its male leaders. Then, when the struggle is over and they are no longer needed, the female Algerian and Palestinian freedom fighters, the French and Iranian revolutionaries, and the American "Rosie the Riveters" For funding my research in Pakistan, I am grateful to the Fulbright Commission. For their generosity in allowing me to take a year of leave and providing me with supplementary research funds, I thank the administration and the members of my department at Santa Clara University. I owe much to my smdents at the University of Peshawar, where I taught as part of my Fulbright fellowship, and to other Peshawar Shi'a friends for their generous assistance and companionship. Their names have been changed to protect their privacy. For creative, constructive comments, I am grateful to