Knowledge of strategies for dealing with everyday problems from childhood through adolescence.

Berg, Cynthia A.

doi:10.1037/0012-1649.25.4.607

Cited by 45 publications

(37 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…In addition, their emotion-focused coping efforts may be less rational and less effective and this may also contribute to under-reporting. This interpretation is consistent with other research indicating that preadolescents have less knowledge of the effectiveness of different coping strategies than do older adolescents (Berg, 1989).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 90%

The Effects of Perceived Daily Social and Academic Failure Experiences on School-Age Children's Subsequent Interactions with Parents

Repetti¹

1996

Child Development

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The hypothesis that perceived failure experiences at school would increase the likelihood of aversive parent-child interactions after school was supported in a study of 167 fourth, fifth, and sixth graders. Children completed measures of mood, school events, and parent-child interaction 3 times each day for 2 consecutive days. Reports of social and academic failure experiences at school (e.g., peer problems and difficulty with schoolwork) were associated with increases in child self-reports of demanding and aversive behavior toward parents that evening. There was no evidence of the reverse effect; aversive child behavior did not predict an increase in reports of negative events the next day. When children rated more academic failure events at school, they also described their parents as more disapproving and punishing after school. However, this effect was only partially mediated by increases in the child's aversive behavior. It is argued that the findings cannot be explained solely by a response bias caused by the child's general mood or frame of mind that day. First, school-to-home mood spillover effects were controlled in the analyses. Second, reports of problems at school were not associated with other aspects of parent-child interaction (e.g., the parent's positive behavioral and emotional involvement with the child). In addition to its substantive findings, the study illustrates use of an unbiased method for assessing child responses to daily stressors.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 90%

The Effects of Perceived Daily Social and Academic Failure Experiences on School-Age Children's Subsequent Interactions with Parents

Repetti¹

1996

Child Development

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“…Similarly, the advances in social problem-solving skills and interpersonal negotiation skills that appear to occur during adolescence (e.g., Berg, 1989;Brion-Meisels & Selman, 1984) probably contribute to the development of other-oriented social interactions, as would advances in prosocial conceptions of friendship and relationships (Brown & Gilligan, 1992;Selman, 1980). In addition, changes in conceptions of the self from childhood into adolescence likely are associated with moral and prosocial development.…”

mentioning

confidence: 97%

Age Changes in Prosocial Responding and Moral Reasoning in Adolescence and Early Adulthood

Eisenberg

Cumberland

Guthrie

et al. 2005

J of Research on Adolesc

403

306

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Age changes' measures of prosocial responding and reasoning were examined. Participants' reports of helping, empathy-related responding, and prosocial moral reasoning were obtained in adolescence (from age 15-16 years) and into adulthood (to age 25-26 years). Perspective taking and approval/interpersonal oriented/stereotypic prosocial moral reasoning increased from adolescence into adulthood, whereas personal distress declined. Helping declined and then increased (a cubic trend). Prosocial moral judgment composite scores (and self-reflective empathic reasoning) generally increased from late adolescence into the early 20s (age 17-18 to 21-22) but either leveled off or declined slightly thereafter (i.e., showed linear and cubic trends); rudimentary needs-oriented reasoning showed the reverse pattern of change. The increase in self-reflective empathic moral reasoning was for females only. Thus, perspective taking and some aspects of prosocial moral reasoning-capacities with a strong sociocognitive basis-showed the clearest increases with age, whereas simple prosocial proclivities (i.e., helping, sympathy) did not increase with age.

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“…Specifically, if traditional psychometric tests are seen as emphasizing academic skills, they may show little about the functioning and competence of individuals who have been removed from school environments for many decades (e.g., Demming & Pressey, 1957;Denney, 1989;Schaie, 1978;Sinnott, 1989;Sternberg, 1997;Willis & Schaie, 1986). From this perspective, which views cognition and intelligence as serving adaptive functions to promote the survival of individuals (e.g., Berg & Klaczynski, 1996;Blanchard-Fields & Chen, 1996;Dixon & Baltes, 1986;Sternberg, 1997), it becomes important to more clearly identify what cognitive challenges are confronted by individuals in the final decades of life and to assess competence in these tasks (Berg, 1989;Cornelius, 1990).…”

Section: Nih-pa Author Manuscriptmentioning

confidence: 99%

Everyday cognition: Age and intellectual ability correlates.

Allaire¹,

Marsiske²

1999

Psychology and Aging

158

230

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The primary aim of this study was to examine the relationship between a new battery of everyday cognition measures, which assessed 4 cognitive abilities within 3 familiar real-world domains, and traditional psychometric tests of the same basic cognitive abilities. Several theoreticians have argued that everyday cognition measures are somewhat distinct from traditional cognitive assessment approaches, and the authors investigated this assertion correlationally in the present study. The sample consisted of 174 community-dwelling older adults from the Detroit metropolitan area, who had an average age of 73 years. Major results of the study showed that (a) each everyday cognitive test was strongly correlated with the basic cognitive abilities; (b) several basic abilities, as well as measures of domain-specific knowledge, predicted everyday cognitive performance; and (c) everyday and basic measures were similarly related to age. The results suggest that everyday cognition is not unrelated to traditional measures, nor is it less sensitive to age-related differences. The present study was conducted to address two questions regarding older adults' cognitive performance with problems drawn from everyday life. First, the validity of several newly developed cognitive assessments using "everyday" stimuli was assessed. Specifically, in this study we examined the relationships between traditional psychometric measures and a new battery of everyday intellectual tasks. Second, within an ethnically heterogeneous sample of older adults ranging from 60 to over 90 years of age, we investigated whether age differences found with everyday cognition measures were similar to those found with psychometric ability tests or whether the greater familiarity and relevance of tasks using real-world stimuli might attenuate cross-sectional age differences as some theorists have proposed. For the purposes of this study, everyday cognition was conceptualized as the performance of individuals on problems using natural stimuli (e.g., real food package labels or official documents), and the problems were constructed to be similar to tasks older individuals might actually be called on to perform in their daily lives (e.g., identifying nutrition information or comparing the value of different financial products). This study is embedded in a larger body of research concerned with understanding the cognitive performance of individuals in the context of their daily lives. Specifically, proponents of the ecological approach have maintained that in the real world individuals can draw on domain-relevant experiences and naturalistic motivations to enhance their cognitive performance (e.g., Ceci & Bronfenbrenner, 1991; Neisser, 1978, 1991; Weisz, 1978) and that relatively "acontextual" laboratory-based assessments of cognition may produce an underestimation of true performance competencies (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Conway, 1991; Wagner, 1986). Historically, it has also been argued that traditional or academic measures of cognition and intelligence are biased tow...

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Knowledge of strategies for dealing with everyday problems from childhood through adolescence.

Cited by 45 publications

References 23 publications

The Effects of Perceived Daily Social and Academic Failure Experiences on School-Age Children's Subsequent Interactions with Parents

The Effects of Perceived Daily Social and Academic Failure Experiences on School-Age Children's Subsequent Interactions with Parents

Age Changes in Prosocial Responding and Moral Reasoning in Adolescence and Early Adulthood

Everyday cognition: Age and intellectual ability correlates.

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