Kosovo's social policy during self‐management, UNMIK and independence: Persisting high inequality and social exclusion

Berisha

2022

Party Politics

Self Cite

The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated the arrival in power, for the first time, of a left-wing majority in Kosovo. Nowhere in the Western Balkans and Europe was the impact of the pandemic on politics so salient and extensive. The power shift created an unlikely opportunity for progressive social policy change. However, as shown by policy responses during the 1st year of the pandemic, substantial policy change is still uncertain. Although political parties have begun to matter more in policy choices, expansive change is constrained by the broader unfavourable conjuncture involving, among others, the existing neo-liberal welfare regime, its feedback on policy learning, mobile right-wing actors with influence in state institutions and global organisations such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and European Union – all of which may rather favour the status quo.

Section: Case Selectionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why is progressive policy reform in Kosovo uncertain, despite the accelerated power shift to the left?

Berisha

2022

Party Politics

Self Cite

“…Even prior to 1989, Kosovo’s PAYG system, which issued generous benefits (where benefits existed) according to the principles applied everywhere in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, did not cover more than of the old-age population in Kosovo (Gubbels et al, 2007; Mustafa, 2020). For example, in 1981 (the zenith of the best decade in self-management socialism), PAYG pensions covered 46.1% of the population over 65 years old (Source base: Enti Krahinor i Statistikës [EKS], 1987).…”

Section: Kosovo’s Basic Universalism: the Causal Mechanismsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The causal mechanisms behind expansive basic universalism in Kosovo

2022

Global Social Policy

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The majority of Kosovo’s public social welfare provision is today spent on basic universal programmes, namely, old-age pensions, healthcare services and child benefits. These programmes are tax-financed, citizenship-based and unconditional with regard to other criteria. Such expansive basic universalism is unusual for the Western Balkans and the rest of post-socialist Southeastern Europe. The first two of these programmes emerged through a complex process of policy formation led by powerful international organisations (IOs). The third programme was more recently initiated by the first-ever left-wing majority that came to power after two decades of democratic elections, implementing a manifesto that endorses a progressive policy mix. This outcome is counterintuitive: the IOs would be naturally expected to lean towards means-tested, targeted programmes, and Kosovo to crystallise into a (neo)liberal welfare regime (path-dependency). The article examines the detailed causal mechanisms that intervened in producing the outcome. Basic universalism has already had a significant impact in Kosovo by contributing to poverty reduction, the size of overall social protection expenditure and citizenship-building, and by serving as a good policy standard.

“…In 2020, the female employment rate was 14.1% compared to 42% of men, and the total formal employment rate was 28.4%the worst in the region and Europe (KAS, 2021a). Also, up to 35% of all employees working in Kosovo may be in the informal sector (Cojocaru, 2017), while non-formal work income was high even during socialism (Mustafa, 2020). A high unemployment rate among women (32.3% in 2020 compared to 23.5% among men) and especially very high inactivity rate among women (79.2% compared to 44% among men) also derives from women's involvement in unpaid and normatively expected household work and roles (e.g.…”

Section: Targeted Public Services and Growing Market Provisionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Former self-management socialism's social insurance institutions such as Pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) pensions, unemployment and health insurance, child allowances and various in-kind benefits were entirely discontinued. Other welfare was expected to be created through the market, for example, through income from jobs, individual (private) pension savings, and private services (see Cocozzelli, 2007Cocozzelli, , 2009Mustafa, 2019Mustafa, , 2020.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Namely, some existing benefits were unequally differentiated, and new benefits were added to the general tax-financed floor, such as pensions for contributors of former PAY-GO pensions (prior to 1989), compensations for former political prisoners (most of them being prisoners during the socialist period), pension supplements for former teachers of the Albanian parallel system during the 1990s 1 , and benefits for war victims and veterans. Although this layering and other changes have had important implications for the total expenditure and policy goals in the short run, the foundations of the regime launched by the international organisations during UNMIK were maintained due to their strong influence over the local insti-tutions and the dominance of the ideologically right-wing orientated political parties during the past two decades (Mustafa, 2019(Mustafa, , 2020. Both during UNMIK and since the declaration of independence, the Serbian ethnic community has been interacting with the tax-financed rights of Kosovo and the larger social insurance and labour-related rights offered by the Government of Serbia (see e.g.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Early Childhood Education and Care in Kosovo: A Targeted Educational Approach Producing and Maintaining Social and Gender Inequalities

2021

RSP

Self Cite

This article examines participation in Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) in Kosovo based on a recent survey and administrative data. Kosovo’s ECEC policy aims to provide education and care for children aged 0 to 6 through an approach consisting of highly targeted public services for more vulnerable social groups, while expecting the rest to rely on the market or the family. It also provides a universal, public (2.5 hours a day) school preparatory programme for children aged 5-6 years. Availability of ECEC services has been rising, but remains well below the levels of the countries in the region. New services are increasingly coming through a market-based provision which leaves large social groups such as low-income families, rural families, parents with lower educational status and other socio-economically disadvantaged parents worse off. Since ECEC is considered highly relevant for children’s personal development and success in school, as well as for female participation in the labour market, the findings suggest that the current policy contributes towards cementing and furthering social and gender inequalities in the long run. In the absence of more comprehensive public services and other supportive family policy measures, Kosovo maintains a strong implicit familialistic policy with a weak potential to contribute to women’s employment. Key words: Kosovo, ECEC, defamilialisation, familialism, privatisation.