Filmwissenschaftliche Genreanalyse 2013
DOI: 10.1515/9783110296990.167
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Kriegsfilm

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“…As argued by Forchtner et al, the manifold patterns of media communication and the clever and ubiquitous appropriation of media agenda and frames employed in the recent success of populist-right and extreme-right parties cannot be dismissed or marginalised as a mere coin cidence.57 As Bos, van der Brug & de Vreese illustrate, successful far-right populist leaders have actually managed to achieve a delicate balance between, on the one hand, appearing innovative and anti-establishment, and, on the other, authoritative and legitimate; thus they counter the élites but do not oppose the liberal democratic system per se.58 Frequently, this is achieved by scandalisation and the intentionally and continuously provoked dynamic of the so-called far-right populist perpetuum mobile, 59 or by what labels as "dramatisation", i.e., "the need to generate tension in order to build up support for the party […] by denouncing the tragedies that would befall the community if it were to be deprived of its defenses".60 53 Howanietz (2013) Scandalisation also implies manifold references to the allegedly charismatic leaders of such parties, who construct themselves as saviours, problem solvers and crisis managers, which may lead voters to have more confidence in the effectiveness of the politics of the populist far-right. The way the tension between extraordinariness and being 'one of us' , i.e., being 'authentic' , was cleverly managed by former FPÖ leader Jörg Haider on front stage and further developed by his successor, HC Strache (as he was branded) in many different publics and genres,61 from TV interviews to snippets caught on video while dancing in a disco, from pamphlets and manifestos to posters and comic booklets, all of which are accessible on HC Strache's homepage62 and disseminated via Facebook.63…”
Section: 3mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As argued by Forchtner et al, the manifold patterns of media communication and the clever and ubiquitous appropriation of media agenda and frames employed in the recent success of populist-right and extreme-right parties cannot be dismissed or marginalised as a mere coin cidence.57 As Bos, van der Brug & de Vreese illustrate, successful far-right populist leaders have actually managed to achieve a delicate balance between, on the one hand, appearing innovative and anti-establishment, and, on the other, authoritative and legitimate; thus they counter the élites but do not oppose the liberal democratic system per se.58 Frequently, this is achieved by scandalisation and the intentionally and continuously provoked dynamic of the so-called far-right populist perpetuum mobile, 59 or by what labels as "dramatisation", i.e., "the need to generate tension in order to build up support for the party […] by denouncing the tragedies that would befall the community if it were to be deprived of its defenses".60 53 Howanietz (2013) Scandalisation also implies manifold references to the allegedly charismatic leaders of such parties, who construct themselves as saviours, problem solvers and crisis managers, which may lead voters to have more confidence in the effectiveness of the politics of the populist far-right. The way the tension between extraordinariness and being 'one of us' , i.e., being 'authentic' , was cleverly managed by former FPÖ leader Jörg Haider on front stage and further developed by his successor, HC Strache (as he was branded) in many different publics and genres,61 from TV interviews to snippets caught on video while dancing in a disco, from pamphlets and manifestos to posters and comic booklets, all of which are accessible on HC Strache's homepage62 and disseminated via Facebook.63…”
Section: 3mentioning
confidence: 99%