Kurdistan-Iraq and EU

Jasim, Dastan

doi:10.1007/978-3-031-09756-0_7

Cited by 2 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…As Dastan Jasim notes, the humanitarian sector that was established in response to the humanitarian crises in the KRI can be regarded as the first major European engagement with the KRI. Several European NGOs such as Christian Aid, Handicap International, Doctors without Borders (MSF), and the Norwegian Refugee Council became the first groups to deliver humanitarian aid to the KRI (Jasim, 2023). Before 1991, the Kurdish leaders had international contacts primarily to advocate for Kurdish rights, showcase Iraq's oppression of the Kurds, and legitimize their armed struggle against Iraq.…”

Section: The Foreign Relations Of the Kri: 1992-2014mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…On August 30, 2014, EU foreign ministers agreed to arm Iraqi forces including the Peshmerga to combat ISIS. Since the KRI and specifically the KDP had gained the trust of Türkiyea NATO ally -Germany provided the biggest military contribution to the Peshmerga forces (Jasim, 2023). Other Western powers such as France, Italy, Denmark, Hungary, and Albania sent weapons and advisers while other NATO members promised to follow suit (Tanchum, 2014).…”

Section: The Rise Of the Islamic State: Opportunities And Challengesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The French action was also hailed by former president Masoud Barzani stating that "French President Macron reconnected the KRG to the international community" (Charountaki, 2019, p. 9). This reconnection was brought about by the personal diplomacy of President Macron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel when they brokered the much-needed talks between Nechirvan Barzani and former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi during the World Economic Forum in Davos in January 2018 (Jasim, 2023).…”

Section: The Independence Referendum: Foreign Policy Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Islamic State and the independence referendum: The role of foreign policy in maintaining the de facto Kurdish entity in Iraq

Sadoon

2023

Studies Ethnicity & National

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The onslaught of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (hereafter ISIS) on the Kurdish de facto entity in Iraq in 2014 and the independence referendum in 2017 constituted two important episodes that impacted on the foreign policy of the Kurdish entity in multiple ways. This article analyzes and describes the foreign policies of the entity during and after these two episodes until the end of 2022. It attempts to answer the following two questions: How did the ISIS offensive briefly change the priorities of the Kurdish entity's leadership in terms of its foreign policy goals? Secondly, how did the independence referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the subsequent events shape the foreign policy priorities of the Kurdish entity in Iraq? Through conducting interviews with high‐level Kurdish politicians and using recently published secondary source materials, this article argues that foreign policy and paradiplomacy played vital roles in the preservation of the KRI during these two very tough periods and that the Kurdish entity had to alter its domestic policy goals to achieve its foreign policy aims and ensure the survival of the Kurdish facto entity in Iraq.

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Section: The Foreign Relations Of the Kri: 1992-2014mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Rise Of the Islamic State: Opportunities And Challengesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Independence Referendum: Foreign Policy Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

The Islamic State and the independence referendum: The role of foreign policy in maintaining the de facto Kurdish entity in Iraq

Sadoon

2023

Studies Ethnicity & National

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Fixers, Fieldwork, and Precarity: The Postcoloniality of Western Fieldwork on ISIS in Kurdistan

Jasim

2024

South Atlantic Quarterly

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After the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2014 and the fight of both Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga forces as well as the Syrian Kurdish forces of the People's Protection Units (YPG, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel) and the Women's Protection Units (YPJ, Yekîneyên Parastina Jin) against them, Western journalists tried to gather information quickly. Locals were happy to share as much as possible, as ISIS was a great danger. As an often forgotten population under permanent occupation seeking visibility, the Kurds allow Westerners unparalleled access to the field and provide unpaid or underpaid labor, hoping that the world will see their struggle. This deepened the disparity between Kurdish journalists, academics, and writers and their Western counterparts. Using postcolonial theory on the mindset of colonialized peoples, this article shows how the fear of being forgotten, the material disparity between colonizers and colonized, and the coloniality of local political actors are obstacles for Kurdish professionals. Looking at a focus-group discussion and two interviews with Kurdish journalists, fixers, and translators from Iraq and Syria, the comparison shows that both autonomous regions are projects that sought to end decades of occupation and now face challenges that show similarities and differences.

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Kurdistan-Iraq and EU

Cited by 2 publications

References 16 publications

The Islamic State and the independence referendum: The role of foreign policy in maintaining the de facto Kurdish entity in Iraq

The Islamic State and the independence referendum: The role of foreign policy in maintaining the de facto Kurdish entity in Iraq

Fixers, Fieldwork, and Precarity: The Postcoloniality of Western Fieldwork on ISIS in Kurdistan

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