L'organisation sociale du travail agricole des Soninke (Dyahunu, Mali)

Pollet, Éric; Winter, Grace

doi:10.3406/cea.1968.3142

Cited by 11 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…They came back from these expeditions with slaves, who were put to work on Soninke farms in order to produce more cereals to be sold to the desert nomads. 4 Such operations were extremely profitable: at the end of the nineteenth century, for example, it took only three years for the marketable production of a single Soninke slave equal to the value of another slave (similar conclusion for different Soninke regions in Meillassoux 1971, 193 andPollet andWinter 1971, 239). Over time, Soninke society thus evolved into a slave-owning society.…”

Section: Traditional Migration and Slavery Among The Soninkementioning

confidence: 85%

“…Soninke families were economic production units resting on the labor of younger males, slaves (Pollet andWinter 1971, 1968), and (to a much lesser degree) women. 2 Soninke slavery aimed at producing wealth through increasing the size of family group: slaves increased the number of farm hands, hence the family's wealth (for comparative data, see Vansina 1973, 365-371;argument summarized in Miers 1975, 136-137).…”

Section: Traditional Migration and Slavery Among The Soninkementioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Soninke are a branch of the large Mande (or Manding)-speaking group (for reference, see Pollet and Winter 1971;Meillassoux 1971Meillassoux , 1975Manchuelle 1987). They live in a long belt of territory stretching between the Upper Senegal River and the Niger.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The “Patriarchal Ideal” of Soninke Labor Migrants: From Slave Owners to Employers of Free Labor

Manchuelle¹

1989

Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des étud

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ResumeCet article analyse le r6le de l'esclavage et de I' emancipation dans la societe soninke. Avant la colonisation, les hommes libres emigraient et investissaient leurs gains dans l'installation d'esclaves dans leurs village; a leur retour, ils iuissaient ainsi de la position de "patriarches." I.: emancipation des esclaves n'a fait que modifier ce modele puisqu'au;ourd'hui, les Soninke emigrent en France et emploient des travailleurs migrants d'autres regions pour cultiver leurs terres. La conclusion porte sur ia simultaneite des mouvements migratoires dans la societe soninke.

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Section: Traditional Migration and Slavery Among The Soninkementioning

confidence: 85%

Section: Traditional Migration and Slavery Among The Soninkementioning

confidence: 99%

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The “Patriarchal Ideal” of Soninke Labor Migrants: From Slave Owners to Employers of Free Labor

Manchuelle¹

1989

Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des étud

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“…The Arabs and the Swahilis did this out of frustration because many of their people had been killed. 59 The Tabora battle was an open combat with fierce exchange of gunfire as opposed to the 'hide-and-seek' (guerrilla) tactics that they were used to. 60 Jemunai Jemathin also remembered her father's narrations about the battles at Tabora and Mwanza: 'My father said that they defeated the Germans during their time at Tabora and Mwanza.…”

Section: We Were Brave! Memories Of Terik Battlefield Encountersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Afrika Zamani: n°26, 2018 - Full Issue

System¹

2021

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Contents Conscientious Achievements of the Dangme before the Atlantic Contact: Insights from Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Investigations at Sega and Kpone, Greater Accra Region, Ghana Fritz Biveridge .......................................................... 1 Quand la reine-mère Dokuwa libère l’Akyem Abuakwa de ladomination Ashanti Kouamé René Allou .......................................................................25 Recruitment, Resistance and Memories of the First World War among the Terik of Kenya Eliud Biegon .................................................................................33 Parcours de la première génération de leaders politiques en Casamance : affirmation identitaire et luttes politiques au Fuladu (1946-1958) Mouhamadou Moustapha Sow .................................................................................59 Youth Activism and Ethnic Violence in Nigeria: From Decolonisation to the Nigeria-Biafra War Gloria Chuku ..............................................................................................77 Operation Vijiji and its Aftermath: Land Nationalisation, Villagisation and Disputes in Mbulu District, North-Western Tanzania, 1961–2006 Juma Marmo Paresso .............................................................................109 Le minbar de la dispute ou l’affaire de la « grande mosquée » de Bakel (1995-1996) Saliou dit Baba Diallo ........................................................................................ 133

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“…The classic studies are Meillassoux (1964) and Rey (1971). A particularly elegant short study is Pollet and Winter (1968), while the light this perspective sheds on slavery is clear from the studies in Meillassoux (1975a).…”

Section: Raul Prebisch's Views Can Be Found In the Reports Of The Ecomentioning

confidence: 99%

Africa and the World Economy

Cooper¹

1981

African Studies Review

117

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Africa's involvement in the changing world economy has been a long one, and its effects on the lives of Africans have been profound. Samir Amin and W. W. Rostow, Felix Houphouet-Boigny and Samora Machel, would hardly dispute such a statement. But the question of whether this involvement has led Africans along a road toward material and social progress or into a dead end is very much in dispute. The title of this paper is the same as that of the introductory section of S. Herbert Frankel's classic study of 1938, Capital Investment in Africa. Becoming part of the world economy, for Frankel (1938: 1-3, 7), entailed the diffusion of Europe's capital, technology, ideas, and “civilized” form of government to closed, static, and undifferentiated economies. Now, writers such as André Gunder Frank (1967), Samir Amin (1974a, 1976), Walter Rodney (1972), and Immanuel Wallerstein (1979) stress instead the inexorable logic of a capitalist world system, whose effects on Africa are stifling instead of liberating. Both views share a unitary conception of the world economy, the first through a smug assumption that existing economic structures are part of civilization, and the second through an argument that sees change in Africa as a reflection of the growth of capitalism in Europe. The first conception of a world economy defined Africa's role as little more than holding back progress on a predetermined road; the second implied that Africa's influence on the world economy was not nearly so great. In the 1960s, scholars of Africa reversed such biases for a time. Especially among historians, an Africanist perspective emphasized “African activity, African adaptations, African choice, African initiative” (Ranger, 1968: xxi).

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L'organisation sociale du travail agricole des Soninke (Dyahunu, Mali)

Cited by 11 publications

References 0 publications

The “Patriarchal Ideal” of Soninke Labor Migrants: From Slave Owners to Employers of Free Labor

The “Patriarchal Ideal” of Soninke Labor Migrants: From Slave Owners to Employers of Free Labor

Afrika Zamani: n°26, 2018 - Full Issue

Africa and the World Economy

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