La production du E caduc facultatif est-elle prévisible? Un début de réponse

Racine, Isabelle; Grosjean, François

doi:10.1017/s0959269502000340

Cited by 28 publications

(31 citation statements)

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“…According to the dominant pronunciation, the letter e is not pronounced although it is written (e.g., Content et al, 1990;Delattre, 1966;Dufour, Peereman, Pallier, & Radeau, 2002;New et al, 2004). Concerning internal schwas, Racine and Grosjean (2002) argued that the pronunciation of the silent e in French is obligatory (e.g., atelier, /atəlje/), optional (e.g., cheval, / əval/ or / val/), or forbidden (e.g., avenir, /avni /). For our third set, all the words with an internal schwa belonged to the last category.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Segmentation of Written Words in French

Chetail

2012

Lang Speech

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Syllabification of spoken words has been largely used to define syllabic properties of written words, such as the number of syllables or syllabic boundaries. By contrast, some authors proposed that the functional structure of written words stems from visuo-orthographic features rather than from the transposition of phonological structure into the written modality. Thus, the first aim of the study was to assess whether the explicit segmentation of written words in French was consistent with syllabification patterns for spoken words previously reported. Second, given that spelling does not map perfectly with phonology, we examined how readers segmented printed words with grapheme/phoneme misalignments. The examination of the whole patterns of written segmentation produced by participants showed that, though written segmentation followed spoken segmentation for words matched for phonological/orthographic forms, discrepancies were found in cases of mismatch, therefore suggesting that readers rely on orthographic cues to parse printed strings of letters. This conclusion was confirmed with an on-line letter detection task.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Each pair was composed of a control word and a schwa word. All the schwa words contained an internal silent e, not pronounced in French (Racine & Grosjean, 2002). Both control and schwa words had an obstruent-liquid intervocalic consonant cluster including a plosive or fricative consonant (p, b, v, t, d) followed by a liquid one (l, r).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Segmentation of Written Words in French

Chetail

2012

Lang Speech

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“…Many examples have been discussed in literature, including English vowel reduction (Bybee, 2001), English t/d deletion (Bybee, 2000;Coetzee, 2009aCoetzee, , 2009bPhillips, 2006), French schwa deletion (Fougeron & Steriade, 1997;Racine & Grosjean, 2002), and so forth. Lexical frequency plays an important role in these phonological processes.…”

Section: Variation In Phonologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Hooper (1976) Similar results have been found in other languages as well. Racine & Grosjean (2002) investigated schwa deletion in Swiss French by asking native speakers to tell four stories with words that have optional schwa deletion. To predict the rate of schwa deletion, they calculated the correlation coefficients of seven factors, including lexical frequency, the frequencies of the variants (the token frequencies of lexical items that undergo schwa deletion and those do not), consonant context (the consonants preceding and following the schwa), force of articulation (the co-articulatory effects of consonants preceding and following the schwa), the deletion rate of the preceding word, articulation rate, and discursive rate (the rate of speech deviated from the topics of the stories).…”

Section: Lexical Frequencymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Nature of Variation in Tone Sandhi Patterns of Shanghai and Wuxi Wu

Yan¹

2018

Frontiers in Chinese Linguistics

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The primary goal of this dissertation is to understand the variation patterns in suprasegmental processes and what factors influence the patterns. To answer the questions, we investigated the variation patterns of tone sandhi in the Shanghai and Wuxi Wu dialects of Chinese.Shanghai disyllables and trisyllables have been documented to have two different sandhi patterns: tonal extension and tonal reduction. Some items can only undergo tonal extension, some items can only undergo tonal reduction, and some can variably undergo either type of sandhi. Previous works have indicated that the syntactic structure, semantic transparency, and lexical frequency of the items all play a role in the sandhi application.Additionally, the morpheme length of trisyllabic items (1+2, 2+1) is also expected to affect their sandhi application.A variant forms' goodness rating experiment, together with a lexical frequency rating experiment and a semantic transparency rating experiment, showed that syntactic structure has a primary effect on sandhi application in general. It overrides the effect of semantic transparency, especially in modifier-noun items. The nature of the lexical frequency effect in Shanghai is related to the syntactic structure of the lexical item. Morpheme length effect is not found.Wuxi disyllables and trisyllables also have been observed to have two different sandhi patterns: tonal substitution and no sandhi. Some items can only apply tonal substitution, and some can apply either form variably. Syntactic structure and semantic transparency have been iv reported to affect Wuxi sandhi application, and morpheme length is also expected to have an effect in trisyllabic sandhi application.The three rating experiments conducted in Wuxi found that due to the lexical listedness of the opaque substitution pattern, frequency influences both modifier-noun and verb-noun positively, although modifier-noun prefers tonal substitution form more. Semantic transparency effect is only apparent for verb-noun disyllables. Moreover, morpheme length also distinguishes sandhi application between 1+2 and 2+1 modifier-noun items.In all, by using quantitative rating experiments, the present study shows that tone sandhi variation is regulated by both grammatical factors, such as syntactic structure, morpheme length, phonological opacity, and nongrammatical factors, such as lexical frequency.v

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“…The relative frequencies of the pronunciation variants of these words were obtained by means of a rating experiment, as previous investigations have shown that speakers are able to correctly rate the frequencies of phonological variants. For instance, Racine and Grosjean (2002) showed that the frequencies of the two pronunciation variants for schwa words estimated by a group of 18 speakers predicted the variants' frequencies in the productions of 16 different speakers.The pictures for the words were taken from multiple sources: two from Alario and Ferrand (1999), 50 from the Google picture database (http://www.google.fr), and 12 pictures were drawn specifically for this experiment. Many of the pictures we used were thus not extracted from a psycholinguistic database, and we had no information on their "name agreement" values.…”

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confidence: 99%

Is there only one “fenêtre” in the production lexicon? On-line evidence on the nature of phonological representations of pronunciation variants for French schwa words

Bürki

Ernestus

Frauenfelder

2010

Journal of Memory and Language

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A b stra c tThis study examines whether the production of words with two phonological variants involves single or multiple lexical phonological representations. Three production experiments investigated the roles of the relative frequencies of the two pronunciation variants of French words with schwa: the schwa variant (e.g., [fanetR]) and the reduced variant (e.g., [fnetR]). In two naming tasks and in a symbol-word association learning task, variants with higher relative frequencies were produced faster. This suggests that the production lexicon keeps a frequency count for each variant and hence that schwa words are represented in the production lexicon with two different lexemes. In addition, the advantage for schwa variants over reduced variants in the naming tasks but not in the learning task and the absence of a variant relative frequency effect for schwa variants produced in isolation support the hypothesis that context affects the variants' lexical activation and modulates the effect of variant relative frequency. 2In tro d u ctio n Many words in connected speech appear in a non-canonical form (e.g., Johnson 2004).Despite this fact, it is only during the last two decades that psycholinguistic studies of speech comprehension have gone beyond studying canonical speech and have begun to examine how listeners recognize non-canonical variants of words. Findings on assimilation (e.g., Gaskell & Marslen-Wilson, 1996 Snoeren, Segui & Halle, 2008), nasal flap (e.g., Ranbom & Connine, 2007) and schwa deletion (e.g., Connine, Ranbom & Patterson, 2008;Kuijpers, van Donselaar & Cutler, 1996;Racine & Grosjean, 2000, 2005Spinelli & Gros-Balthazard, 2007) have provided a deeper understanding of the recognition of this everyday form of speech. For production, in contrast, a similar shift in research has not yet taken place. Our current knowledge of how words are represented in the lexicon and encoded during production comes from experiments using canonical word forms only. What we know about phonological variants comes essentially from corpus analyses and acoustic studies. Although recent corpus studies have started to address these questions (see for instance Bell, Brenier, Gregory, Girand & Jurafsky, 2009), so far they have only provided little and circumstantial information about the nature of the lexical representations of words with several variants and about the mechanisms (including their time course) underlying the production of such variants. For more direct information, on-line experimental data are needed. The aim of this work is to provide such data.Most models of speech production and comprehension can be situated along a continuum with respect to their assumptions about the mental lexicon. Traditional psycholinguistic models are heavily influenced by generative grammar (Chomsky & Halle, 1968), in which words are generally assumed to have only one lexical representation, with 3 their other pronunciation variants being computed by means of phonological or phonetic rules.For instance, many authors assume that F...

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La production du E caduc facultatif est-elle prévisible? Un début de réponse

Cited by 28 publications

References 5 publications

Segmentation of Written Words in French

Segmentation of Written Words in French

The Nature of Variation in Tone Sandhi Patterns of Shanghai and Wuxi Wu

Is there only one “fenêtre” in the production lexicon? On-line evidence on the nature of phonological representations of pronunciation variants for French schwa words

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