Labour repression and social justice in Franco's Spain: the political objectives of compulsory sickness insurance, 1942–1957

Abstract

This article analyzes the basic characteristics of the labor and social policies of the Franco dictatorship established in Spain after the Civil War (1936)(1937)(1938)(1939), and the links which existed between them. The offer of support to working families was presented through a paternalistic discourse of 'social justice' which was combined with tough repressive measures in the labor market. Within this context, compulsory social insurances pursued a political end, as they served to mitigate social tensions in a context of worker repression and harsh living conditions. Sickness insurance was a key element in this strategy, and it turned out to be very economical for the dictatorship, as the burden of financing the system was placed on employers and, above all, the workers themselves. This led to financial and management problems within a system providing imperfect coverage, with low benefits and serious inequalities in protection. Consequently, Spain moved away from other advanced countries which, at this time, were establishing their welfare states on the basis of two pillars: the universalization of benefits and the redistributive character of the system from a social point of view.

Unravelling the Political Economy of Social Policy Formation: The Spanish Compulsory Maternity Leave, 1900-1936

“…Bottom-up initiatives also failed to relieve working mothers, as the Spanish friendly societies were weaker than in other countries such as Britain or France (Largo, 2016), and their provision of maternity benefits was negligible (Pons and Vilar, 2014). Neither did the Spanish women's movements establish maternity funds as their Italian counterparts (Leal, 1923), and private social insurance companies' low scale and limited capital hindered commercial insurance scope (Pons and Vilar, 2012).…”

“…Until 1932, they advocated for implementing compulsory, contributory maternity leave entirely funded by employers and the State, even if that meant sacrificing much of its coverage and benefits. Relatively low wage levels of the Spanish working class, the underdevelopment of friendly societies and a long-lasting reluctance towards state reformism may explain such a particular position (Martínez, 1988;Pons and Vilar, 2012). However, their support to the Republican regime, their commitment with reformism, and Spanish limited fiscal capacity made socialists more supportive of workers' contributions after 1932.…”

Educación sanitaria y antropología médica en Europa: los casos de Italia y España

“…La salute popolare diventa una garanzia della razza, perché la vittoria fascista passa attraverso una razza sana ed è interessante perché poi il razzismo italiano fa riferimento al mondo contadino soprattutto, cioè le doti e le virtù della razza italiana sono quelle dei contadini secondo Mussolini, un lavoro continuo, umile La idealización de la vida campesina como crisol de la razza italiana influye en la construcción ideal del campesinado, presente en el fascismo español coetáneo (20) , pero no excluye, sino todo lo contrario su articulación con la modernidad: Así, la implantación del seguro de accidentes laborales y de la Cassa nazionale di previdenza per la vecchiaia (4,21,22,23) entienden como agentes de propaganda que buscaban la hegemonía del régimen (24) . Se reconoce la influencia del fascismo italiano en el español (20,25,26) , tanto en la modernización del campesinado (27) , como en el campo sindical-laboral (28) , la acción social (29,30) y, sobre todo, con el Seguro Obligatorio de Enfermedad (SOE) (33,36) . El fascismo italiano no supuso una ruptura con el Estado -como la dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1924-1930)y, del mismo modo, parte de las acciones sociales del fascismo tuvieron continuidad en la Italia republicana de 1947 (34) .…”

The Historical Creation of the Hospital System in Spain: Private Hospital Sector Strategies in Relation to the Development of the Public System

“…In any event, health coverage was a goal to be achieved.Two decades after its introduction, there were now five million insured under the SOE, and around 7.5 million beneficiaries between direct insurance and the collaborating entities, which altogether accounted for thirty-nine per cent of the total population. During this initial period the limited public hospital network provided the private sector with a market niche, either by covering the population without any right to coverage, or through the signing of agreements by means of which the SOE was applied.In summary, the system of social insurance introduced by the Franco dictatorship was an indispensable instrument within the overall strategy of propaganda and subjugation of the workers 44. In particular, sickness insurance played a key role in the dictatorship for two fundamental reasons.…”