Land use and urban travel in Kumasi, Ghana

Active travel and paratransit use in African cities: Mixed-method systematic review and meta-ethnography

“…The qualitative studies were predominantly ethnographic or phenomenological. Most studies did not overtly name an underpinning theory but those which did drew on the mobilities (or “new mobilities”) paradigm with its focus on power relations ( Porter et al, 2017 ), a social exclusion perspective ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Lucas, 2011 ), Hägerstrand's space-time prism ( Janusz et al, 2019 ; Vermeiren et al, 2015 ), political economy ( Kumar, 2011 ) or development studies perspectives ( Poku-Boansi and Cobbinah, 2018 ), social quality theory ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ), a person-centred framework linking transport and different dimensions of wellbeing (material, relational and subjective) ( Oviedo et al, 2017 ), and Kaufmann's typology of four forms of mobility (daily mobility, residential mobility, migration and travel) with his notion of ‘motility’ reflecting rational, socio-geographical and sociopsychological factors ( Irlam and Zuidgeest, 2018 ; Yankson et al, 2017 ).

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“…The selective focus and eventual collapse of colonial and apartheid transport systems, followed by neo-colonial road-building projects by governments and development banks, left many African cities with significant unmet travel needs ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Lesteven and Boutueil, 2018 ; Lucas, 2011 ; Poku-Boansi and Cobbinah, 2018 ). There were spatial mismatches between where people lived and worked ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Lucas, 2011 ), with long distances to key destinations (eg: workplaces, markets, educational and health facilities) making motorized transport necessary; high journey times and slow travel were common ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Diaz Olvera et al, 2013 ; Lucas, 2011 ; Turner and Adzigbey, 2012 ).…”

“…There were spatial mismatches between where people lived and worked ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Lucas, 2011 ), with long distances to key destinations (eg: workplaces, markets, educational and health facilities) making motorized transport necessary; high journey times and slow travel were common ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Diaz Olvera et al, 2013 ; Lucas, 2011 ; Turner and Adzigbey, 2012 ). Unplanned and informal residential areas developed on city peripheries due to population growth and urbanisation( Andreasen and Møller-Jensen, 2017 ; Kola et al, 2012 ; Kumar, 2011 ; Lucas, 2011 ; Poku-Boansi and Cobbinah, 2018 ; Yankson et al, 2017 ) and residents of these dense “dormitory neighbourhoods” experienced severe travel challenges due to dysfunctional city mobility systems ( Andreasen and Møller-Jensen, 2017 ; Oviedo et al, 2017 ; Poku-Boansi and Cobbinah, 2018 ; Turner and Adzigbey, 2012 ). Transport demand outstripped supply and street connectivity was poor due to fragmented land use- and transport-planning; many areas had no formal public transport at all, none within walking distance or none outside peak hours ( Lucas, 2011 ; Turner and Adzigbey, 2012 ).…”

“…Residents' mobility needs and practices were diverse but all – even better-off residents in central areas – faced constrained mode choices ( Abane, 2011 ; Andreasen and Møller-Jensen, 2017 ; Evans et al, 2018 ; Kola et al, 2012 ; Kumar, 2011 ; Vermeiren et al, 2015 ). Private vehicle ownership was low and motorability poor due to bad roads and rising congestion ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Andreasen and Møller-Jensen, 2017 ; Diaz Olvera et al, 2013 ; Evans et al, 2018 ; Janusz et al, 2019 ; Kola et al, 2012 ; Poku-Boansi and Cobbinah, 2018 ; Yankson et al, 2017 ), sometimes aggravated by topography and climate ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Evans et al, 2018 ; Irlam and Zuidgeest, 2018 ; Kumar, 2011 ). Sociocultural and gender norms limited travel options – for instance, cycling was largely confined to males ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Irlam and Zuidgeest, 2018 ).…”

“…Lack of mobility options affected residents’ ability to participate in livelihood activities and social networking, with the poorest groups systematically excluded from opportunities ( Alando and Scheiner, 2016 ; Diaz Olvera et al, 2013 ; Janusz et al, 2019 ; Lucas, 2011 ; Oviedo et al, 2017 ; Yankson et al, 2017 ). Affordability was a key driver, with transport costs high relative to incomes and transport subsidies rarely available ( Abane, 2011 ; Diaz Olvera et al, 2010 , 2013 ; Evans et al, 2018 ; Janusz et al, 2019 ; Kumar, 2011 ; Lucas, 2011 ; Poku-Boansi and Cobbinah, 2018 ; Raynor, 2014 ; Vermeiren et al, 2015 ). Many urban poor were captive walkers ( Diaz Olvera et al, 2013 ; Integrated Transport Planning Ltd, 2010 ; Irlam and Zuidgeest, 2018 ; Porter et al, 2017 ) but walkability was hampered by unpaved roads, potholes, lack of sidewalks, pedestrian crossings and streetlighting, and heavy vehicular traffic ( Diaz Olvera et al, 2013 ; Integrated Transport Planning Ltd, 2010 ; Janusz et al, 2019 ; Turner and Adzigbey, 2012 ).…”