Language, Identity and Conflict

Chríost, Diarmait Mac Giolla

doi:10.4324/9780203634387

Cited by 12 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…Consequently, in the Welsh context, it is precisely because accommodation is being demanded from monolingual/ majority speakers that the requirement to learn Welsh is met with such mainstream opposition. However, the recent civic recognition of Welsh (May, 2000) alongside the redefining of citizenship through political devolution (Mac Giolla Chriost, 2003), creates the space for constructing a relationship between civic identity and the learning of Welsh. Thus the accommodation of Welsh by adult learners runs concurrently with the development of a civic Welsh identity that emanates from the growth of Welsh sub-state institutions.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Negotiating the politics of language

Mann

2007

Ethnicities

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Since 2001, political concerns over social and ethnic cohesion have stimulated new debates over citizenship and belonging in the UK. A central feature of which has been a civic requirement of new citizens to learn English. Such a debate however coincides with concerns around in-migration in Wales, and the highly contested notion that non-Welsh speakers have a civic responsibility to learn Welsh. This article aims to explore the contradictions between these two cases via research with adult language learners in Wales — a group often ignored within literature on language, identity and citizenship. In analysing learners' discourses, the article identifies the ways in which learners come to terms with such notions of responsibility. However, the article argues that by positioning language learning in Wales in relation to the development of Welsh civic institutions, and by locating learning itself as a means of expressing such civic identification to place, so the demands for linguistic accommodation by monolingual English speakers may be increasingly articulated

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Negotiating the politics of language

Mann

2007

Ethnicities

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“…A particularly popular argument focuses on group-based grievances. Given the prominence of linguistically-based ethnic identity, issues of language policy and related restrictions, along with other bases of discrimination, such as economic resources allocation or power-sharing, have long been identified as particularly inflammatory (Cederman, Gleditsch, and Buhaug 2013;Cederman, Weidmann, and Gleditsch 2011;Horowitz 1985;Mac Giolla Chríost 2003). Meanwhile, other scholars have focused on the opportunity to rebel; the argument is that ethnolinguistic conflicts are driven by greed rather than to redress grievances (Collier and Hoeffler 2004).…”

Section: Background and Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Less Human Than Human: Threat, Language, and Relative Dehumanization

Singh,

Tir

2023

Brit. J. Polit. Sci.

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A government's decision to communicate in a native tongue rather than a commonly used and understood but non-native language can prompt perception through an ethnically-tinted lens. While native-language communication is commonplace and typically benign, we argue that conveying a threat posed by an outgroup in a native tongue can trigger dehumanizing attitudes. We conducted a pre-registered survey experiment focusing on attitudes toward Muslim and Chinese people in India to test our expectations. In our two-stage design, we randomly assigned respondents to a survey language (Hindi or English) and, after that, to threat-provoking or control conditions. While Muslims and China are associated with recent violence against India, the government has routinely portrayed only the former as threatening. Likely due to this divergence, Hindi language assignment alone triggers Muslim dehumanization. Indians' more innocuous views of Chinese are responsive to exogenously-induced threat, particularly when conveyed in Hindi.

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“…These cultural, contextual references are the foundations of collective consciousness, of societal identity. They may indicate values and priorities that have relevance when considering how to build trusted and cohesive policies about government [30]. If translation tools are intended to support a group coming together to transform their nation, it is vital these tools do not impede their ability to convey their identity in this action by jettisoning contextual markers [31].…”

Section: The Case Of Egyptmentioning

confidence: 99%

A voice in the crowd: Broader implications for crowdsourcing translation during crisis

Sutherlin

2013

Journal of Information Science

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Both international non-governmental organizations and government actors have embraced the technological union of humans and software, known as crowdsourcing, to manage the flood of information produced during recent crises. However, unlike a business solution, the task of translation is unique during a crisis situation; the costs are human, and the impact is social and political. This paper follows four crises in which different crowdsourcing applications were developed by a range of actors. In each instance, the design approach failed to incorporate the unique circumstances of the conflict context, resulting in a translation application that removed authorship, dissolved intentionality, and shed contextual markers from original sources. This flawed application prevented the original contributors from interacting with the information directly related to their own life-threatening situation, and the information it amassed formed an unsound basis for decision-making by international actors. The associated consequences during: post-earthquake Haiti

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Language, Identity and Conflict

Cited by 12 publications

References 0 publications

Negotiating the politics of language

Negotiating the politics of language

Less Human Than Human: Threat, Language, and Relative Dehumanization

A voice in the crowd: Broader implications for crowdsourcing translation during crisis

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