Lapsed Derivations: Ternary Stress in Harmonic Serialism

Torres-Tamarit, Francesc; Jurgec, Peter

doi:10.1162/ling_a_00186

Cited by 9 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…We found that only grammars in which shift is a possible one-step operation can fully predict some widely attested languages, and in particular languages in which shifting targets the penultimate vowel. This adds to the literature that uses software-generated factorial typologies in HS to explore predictions of specific constraints or constraint sets (McCarthy 2011; Pruitt 2012; Torres-Tamarit & Jurgec 2015). In this paper, we extend the same reasoning to Gen operations by comparing grammars with and without a particular operation using the same constraint set.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Word-minimality requirements might rule out such words entirely, or limit them to a subset of words (lexically or morphologically determined). Torres-Tamarit & Jurgec (2015) discuss cases in which monosyllables are not footed, but longer words are. Beyond stress patterns, initial syllable faithfulness (Beckman 1997) singles out monosyllables when compared to longer words.…”

Section: Factorial Typologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Formally, stress is represented differently than tone. HS analyses use foot-based representations, which make favourable predictions when compared to metrical grids (Pruitt 2010(Pruitt , 2012Torres-Tamarit & Jurgec 2015). Because feet generally cannot move once they are built, this presents a separate set of issues not involved in feature shift.…”

Section: Analysis With Floating Tones Failsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Shift in Harmonic Serialism

GIETZ¹,

Jurgec²,

PERCIVAL

2022

J. Ling.

Self Cite

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Harmonic Serialism is a serial version of Optimality Theory in which Gen is restricted to one operation at a time. What constitutes one operation has been a key question in the literature. This paper asks whether shift, in which a feature moves/flops from one segment to another, should be considered an operation. We review three pieces of evidence that suggest so. We show that only the one-step shift analysis can capture the tonal patterns in Kibondei and the segmental patterns in Halkomelem; grammars that rely on spreading or floating features cannot. We complement these findings with a factorial typology in which the one-step shifting grammars predict several attested patterns that the grammars without one-step shift cannot. We conclude that shift must be a single operation in Harmonic Serialism.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Factorial Typologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Analysis With Floating Tones Failsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Shift in Harmonic Serialism

GIETZ¹,

Jurgec²,

PERCIVAL

2022

J. Ling.

Self Cite

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“…McCarthy 2003), Pruitt (2012) defends their use in HS. As Pruitt (2012) demonstrates, the categorical foot alignment constraints proposed by McCarthy (2003) fail to control stress patterns under certain circumstances, and an additional proposed alternative based on *L apse constraints (Kager 2001, 2005, McCarthy 2003) makes problematic predictions in serial stress derivations (see also Torres-Tamarit & Jurgec 2015). P arse -σ Assign a violation mark for every syllable that is not a member of a foot (Prince & Smolensky 2004).…”

Section: Simultaneitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Parallelism within serialism: primary stress is different

Pruitt

2022

Phonology

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Primary word stress is typologically diverse. In some languages, the metrical structure of a word predicts the location of primary stress, while in other languages it does not. This diversity is considered through the lens of Harmonic Serialism (HS), a serial constraint-based theory, and it is argued that HS must incorporate a limited degree of parallelism to capture the typology. Namely, primary-stress assignment is simultaneous with foot-building and also mobile, being (re)assessed throughout a metrical derivation. But incorporating this parallelism into HS is both possible and desirable: the positive typological consequences of HS are preserved, and the implied formal divergence between the prosodic word and the foot with respect to parallelism echoes a fundamental distinction that is visible in a wide range of extant theoretical and empirical findings.

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“…With regards to metrical systems, constraints have been invoked with the specific aim of avoiding the postulation of ternary feet (e.g. Elenbaas & Kager 1999, Hermans & Torres-Tamarit 2014, Torres-Tamarit & Jurgec 2015). The appeal of binarity is also evident from the proposal within Government Phonology that all syllables are CV, i.e.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ternary vowel length in Shilluk

2019

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Ternary or three-level vowel length is typologically rare, and supporting evidence is limited. This paper presents the results of an investigation into the hypothesised case of this configuration in Shilluk. We first describe the role of vowel length in Shilluk phonology and morphology, and then report on an acoustic study in which minimal sets for vowel length (short, long, overlong) are measured for vowel duration, coda duration, vowel quality and fundamental frequency. Short, long and overlong vowels differ significantly and substantially in terms of vowel duration: 96% of the items can be classified successfully for vowel length on the basis of this measurement alone. Of the other measurements, only vowel quality is significant, and this effect is considerably smaller. The mean values for vowel duration – 68, 111 and 150 ms for short, long and overlong vowels respectively – are similar to those reported for ternary vowel length in Dinka.

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Lapsed Derivations: Ternary Stress in Harmonic Serialism

Cited by 9 publications

References 13 publications

Shift in Harmonic Serialism

Shift in Harmonic Serialism

Parallelism within serialism: primary stress is different

Ternary vowel length in Shilluk

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