Latin America: Social Structures and Sociology

Portes, Alejandro; Canak, William

doi:10.1146/annurev.so.07.080181.001301

Cited by 7 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…Despite criticisms, the basic components of his theory of 'liberal citizenship' continue to inform studies in a wide array of societies, especially the vision of an omnipotent but responsive state. 12 Bryan Roberts (1995: 194-7) adopts liberal citizenship to analyze Latin American cities over the twentieth century, yet 10 Adjacency of inequality is nothing new in Latin American cities, but traditionally this served as a basis for symbiotic relationships, at least in terms of employment but also for more substantial affective bonds (Portes and Canak, 1981;Roberts, 1995). The novelty with fragmentation, in Latin America and elsewhere (Cabrales Barajas, 2002;Dear, 2002), is the entrenchment of inequality concomitant with an erosion of middle sectors and a dearth of even employment connections across classes.…”

Section: Beyond Neoliberal Space and Citizenshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…10 10 Adjacency of inequality is nothing new in Latin American cities, but traditionally this served as a basis for symbiotic relationships, at least in terms of employment but also for more substantial affective bonds (Portes and Canak, 1981; Roberts, 1995). The novelty with fragmentation, in Latin America and elsewhere (Cabrales Barajas, 2002; Dear, 2002), is the entrenchment of inequality concomitant with an erosion of middle sectors and a dearth of even employment connections across classes.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Microcitizenships: Fractious Forms of Urban Belonging after Argentine Neoliberalism

Centner

2011

Int J Urban Regional Res

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To explain cross-class spatial relations in 'post-neoliberal' Buenos Aires, this article develops the notion of microcitizenships, defined as group-specific quasi-legal relationships with the local state, entailing both recognition and service provision in order to grant exclusive yet temporary rights to particularized legitimate uses of urban space. This conceptualization contrasts in particular with prominent theorizations of liberal, insurgent and flexible citizenship. Microcitizenships capture the newly fractious, rather than merely fragmented, nature of social rights after the adoption of more inclusive and nationalist discourses in the recovery period following the neoliberal crisis of 2001-02. Argentina has been an icon of both neoliberal and post-neoliberal globalization, making its capital city ideal for the study of changing forms of belonging in the new political-economic context. Taking three central neighborhoods redeveloped in the neoliberal period (1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001) which were landmarks of fragmentation, I find they are now characterized by clashes among groups negotiating very different claims of legitimate presence in the same sites. I use ethnographic and interview-based evidence to outline three types of conflicting membership: 'excessive', 'weekend' and 'transposable' citizens. All employ post-neoliberal idioms but invoke legitimizations specifically from disparate geographic scales to stake their claims. Thus, amid inclusionary rhetoric, ironically there are microcitizenships that embody spatio-temporally circumscribed, precarious and especially fractious forms of belonging in the city. Closing considerations address how this concept resonates with a range of contemporary urban contexts.

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Section: Beyond Neoliberal Space and Citizenshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Microcitizenships: Fractious Forms of Urban Belonging after Argentine Neoliberalism

Centner

2011

Int J Urban Regional Res

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“…Class structures have changed substantially since then, as has the sociological understanding of classes (Portes and Canak, 1981;Wright, 2015). Bourdieu has argued that what defines a social class in contemporary societies is a set of historically situated relationships; and that there is no intrinsic value in any social class because there is no essential (social, economic, or demographic) characteristic that can define a social class in a historically meaningful manner (Bourdieu, 1996).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%