The authors would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their extremely thorough and detailed feedback on successive iterations of the paper, which assisted in developing the argument and improving it immensely. We would also like to thank the Islands and Small States Institute at the University of Malta who provided Jack and Wouter with the opportunity to discuss the idea for this article and Raimondas Ibenskas and Anika Gauja for suggested readings on party system development. Sections 5.2-5.4 have been adapted with the permission of Oxford University Press from Corbett, J. and Veneendaal, W. (2018) Democracy in Small States: Persisting Against All Odds. Oxford: Oxford University Press. We have also benefitted from funding provided by the Australian Research Council (grant number DP160100897) and the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (VENI 451.16.028).
Labor Movements and Party System Development:Why does the Caribbean have stable two-party systems, but the Pacific does not? ABSTRACT: Party system development is often said to be essential for democratization. But if this is a necessary precondition, why do two of the most successful developing regions in terms of democratization, the Caribbean and the Pacific, which are composed similarly of small (island) developing states, display such extreme divergence in their experiences with party democracy? The former has the most stable and pure two-party systems in the world, while in the latter political parties are either weakly institutionalized or absent. Since both have attitudinally homogenous societies and similar institutions, conventional explanations that highlight the importance of social cleavages and electoral systems cannot explain this difference. Employing the framework of a most similar systems design incorporating twenty-three countries, we challenge dominant assumptions about the causes of party system development (PSD) and subsequent institutionalization (PSI) by focusing on their distinctive post-colonial political-economic settlements. Specifically, we process trace the role of labor movements and their manifestation as political parties and argue that this provides the strongest explanation for why the Caribbean has stable party systems, but the Pacific does not. By emphasizing the importance of pre-existing social organizations for the development of parties, our analysis foregrounds the otherwise largely neglected literature on early European party organization and the role of political economy in PSD.