Left branch extraction, object shift, and freezing effects in Tumbalá Ch’ol

Little, Carol-Rose

doi:10.5334/gjgl.988

Cited by 6 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…on Tsotsil).

Discontinuous possessive constructions are reported for several Mayan languages. Examples of the construction in (1) above with a topical possessor and a noun in the clause proper have been reported for Tz’utujil (Dayley 1985: 327), Poqomchi’ (Brown 1979: 141), Itzá (Hofling 2000: 208), and Yucatec Maya (Lehmann 2002: 39, 109); examples with a focal possessor DP and a nominal head in situ such as (39b) have been reported for Tsotsil (Aissen 1996: 456), Ch’ol (Coon 2009: 166; Little 2020: 25), and K’iche’ (Broadwell 2005: 6).…”

Section: Possessors and Related Categoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Discontinuous options with a quantifier appearing in the focus position are only possible when the noun simultaneously shows up in the topic position. It is not possible to front focused or wh -subconstituents leaving the noun in situ; see (23).

The ungrammaticality of the examples in (23) suggests that Yucatec Maya does not allow Left Branch Extraction of the type described, for example, for Slavic languages (Bošković 2005) or Ch’ol (Little 2020). Therefore, the focal numeral in (22a) can hardly be an extracted left branch either, it should rather be analyzed as a complete noun phrase with an empty nominal head.…”

Section: Quantifiers and Adjectivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…objects of transitives and subjects of unaccusatives and not out of adjuncts or subjects of transitive/unergative verbs (Aissen 1996: 460f. on Tsotsil; Coon 2010: 227 on Ch’ol; see also Little 2020 for restrictions on extraction out of shifted objects in Ch’ol). The examples in (43) confirm that possessor extraction out of objects of transitive verbs is possible.…”

Section: Possessors and Related Categoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Tsotsil; Coon 2010: 227 on Ch'ol; see alsoLittle 2020 for restrictions on extraction out of shifted objects in[13] Several such principles have been proposed in the literature on pied-piping; for instance, stating that the local application of Agree is preferred over a remote one(Heck 2009: 75).Ch'ol). The examples in (43) confirm that possessor extraction out of objects of transitive verbs is possible.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Discontinuous noun phrases in Yucatec Maya

Skopeteas¹,

Verhoeven²,

Fanselow³

2020

J. Ling.

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Languages differ in whether or not they allow discontinuous noun phrases. If they do, they further vary in the ways the nominal projections interact with the available syntactic operations. Yucatec Maya has two left-peripheral configurations that differ syntactically: a preverbal position for foci or wh-elements that is filled in by movement, and the possibility to adjoin topics at the highest clausal layer. These two structural options are reflected in different ways of the formation of discontinuous patterns. Subextraction from nominal projections to the focus position yielding discontinuous NPs is possible, but subject to several restrictions. It observes conditions on extraction domains, and does not apply to the left branch of nominal structures. The topic position also appears to license discontinuity, typically involving a non-referential nominal expression as the topic and quantifiers/adjectives that form an elliptical nominal projection within the clause proper. Such constructions can involve several morphological and syntactic mismatches between their parts that are excluded for continuous noun phrases, and they are not sensitive to syntactic island restrictions. Thus, in a strict sense, discontinuities involving the topic position are only apparent, because the construction involves two independent nominal projections that are semantically linked.

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“…on Tsotsil).

Section: Possessors and Related Categoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Quantifiers and Adjectivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Possessors and Related Categoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Discontinuous noun phrases in Yucatec Maya

Skopeteas¹,

Verhoeven²,

Fanselow³

2020

J. Ling.

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Revisiting extraction and subextraction patterns from arguments

Toquero-Pérez

2021

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Extraction and subextraction tend to receive separate attention in syntax, which leads to the assumption that they should be analyzed independently, even though they both illustrate an asymmetry between subjects and objects. By looking at various phenomena in English, German, Spanish and Norwegian I propose that this parallel behavior is not accidental, but that there is a previously unnoticed generalization: subextraction is allowed iff extraction is possible and the target of subextraction is not an indirect object. I propose that a revised version of Spec-to-Spec antilocality (Erlewine 2016) is necessary: movement of and out of an XP must cross a Projection Line (PL) (Brody 1998), i.e. the set of all projections of a head. This version of antilocality can derive Freezing effects, Huang’s (1982) CED, and their exceptions; and Comp-trace effects and their neutralization, extending them to subextraction. However, antilocality on its own cannot derive the extraction-subextraction asymmetry in indirect objects. I propose that the Principle of Minimal Compliance (PMC) (Richards 1998) can suspend antilocality if agree between a probe and a goal has happened. The version adopted here will allow extraction of the whole XP, but disallow extraction of its specifier due to the lack of an agree relation. Antilocality and the PMC combined also make the right predictions in other domains such as the lack of do-support in matrix subject questions and A-movement of the subject in declarative clauses, providing evidence that antilocality is a constraint that should apply to (at least) both A and A’-movement.

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Optional agreement as successful/failed Agree

Lyskawa

Ranero

2021

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We investigate optional predicate agreement in Santiago Tz’utujil (Mayan). Several generalizations emerge: (i) inanimate arguments base-generated as complements control agreement optionally; (ii) some animate arguments base-generated as complements control agreement optionally; (iii) all arguments base-generated as specifiers control full agreement obligatorily. We propose that two conditions must be met for the operation Agree to succeed, resulting in the exponence of all the features of the agreement controller. First, a goal must be visible (bear the right feature). Second, a goal must be accessible (be in the right structural position). If one or both conditions are not met, Agree fails, but the derivation converges and 3sg agreement is exponed. While Agree is deterministic, surface optionality arises when the operation fails. We use optional agreement to diagnose the syntactic structure of understudied constructions in Mayan (nominalizations, Agent Focus). We discuss microvariation, highlighting methodological considerations that arise when assuming an I-language approach.

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Left branch extraction, object shift, and freezing effects in Tumbalá Ch’ol

Cited by 6 publications

References 30 publications

Discontinuous noun phrases in Yucatec Maya

Discontinuous noun phrases in Yucatec Maya

Revisiting extraction and subextraction patterns from arguments

Optional agreement as successful/failed Agree

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