Legible Pluralism: The Politics of Ethnic and Religious Identification in Malaysia

Brown, Graham K.

doi:10.1080/17449050903557401

Cited by 14 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…This might be due to the fact that 2006 was the year when UMNO delegates were alleged to have used the most racist rhetoric. Remarkably, scholars also addressed the explicit racist remarks and acts, as well as the escalation of racist politics in Malaysia (Brown, 2009; Lee, 2010; Lim and Har, 2008; Lim et al., 2009; Maznah, 2009; Ramasamy, 2009; Syed Husin, 2008). In addition, Kua (2010) criticized that racism and racial discrimination have been part of Malaysian political, economic, social and cultural realities ever since colonial times.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Framing interethnic conflict in Malaysia: A comparative analysis of newspapers coverage on the keris polemics

Fong

Ishak

2013

Ethnicities

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The keris is a Malay or Indonesia dagger. In 2005, the then United Malays National Organization (UMNO) Youth Chief and Malaysia Education Minister, Hishammuddin Hussein, wielded the keris at the UMNO Youth general assembly, which he claimed to be a means to motivate the Malays. Following that, the UMNO Youth general assembly in 2006 and 2007 was noted for some racist statements made by several delegates in addition to the keris-wielding action repeated by Hishammuddin. The non-Malays perceived the action of wielding the keris as a gesture meant to defend ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) and to threaten those who opposed Malay special rights. After the political tsunami in 2008, the Malaysian Chinese Association and Malaysian People’s Movement Party (Gerakan) leaders blamed UMNO for their electoral debacle. Hishammuddin also admitted that his raising of the keris was among the causes of the Barisan Nasional’s poor performance in the general election. He apologized to the non-Malays because of the fear to a symbol which was not his intention and to the Malays for not being able to uphold their symbol of heritage. This study aimed to compare the coverage of the keris polemics by mainstream Malay, English and Chinese as well as alternative newspapers. By using framing as the theoretical framework and content analysis as the research methods, it was found that the newspapers framed the issue differently, reflecting the political economic and ideological boundaries within which the journalists work.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Framing interethnic conflict in Malaysia: A comparative analysis of newspapers coverage on the keris polemics

Fong

Ishak

2013

Ethnicities

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“…In other countries, Muslims are racialized quite differently. For example, in Malaysia, Muslims are racialized as Malay (Brown, 2010; Szajkowski et al, 1996: 27–8); in Nigeria, Muslims are racialized as Hausa (Anthony, 2000; Uchendu, 2010); in the USA, Muslims are racialized as Arab (Salaita, 2006); in Germany, Muslims are racialized as Turkish (Allen, 2005: 63; Nielsen, 1995: ix); and in France, Muslims are racialized as Maghrebian (Allen, 2005: 63; Nielsen, 1995: ix). Clearly, Muslims are racialized in different ways depending on the context because ‘[s]pecific ethnicities become associated with particular religions in distinct locations’ (Franks, 2000: 924–5).…”

Section: The Loss Of Whitenessmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Racialization of Muslim Converts in Britain and Their Experiences of Islamophobia

Moosavi

2014

Critical Sociology

111

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This article contributes towards understanding how Islamophobia manifests in the lives of Muslim converts in Britain. The significant relationship between Islamophobia and racialization is highlighted by arguing that before experiencing Islamophobia, 'white' converts to Islam are re-racialized as 'not-quite-white', or even 'non-white', because of a persistent conflation of Islam as a 'non-white' religion. The article also seeks to comprehend why Muslims may be so anxious about Islamophobia when they may rarely have experienced Islamophobia themselves. Rather than suggest this is because Muslims are paranoid and because Islamophobia is just a myth, as some have suggested, this article suggests that Islamophobia can be difficult to detect because it often manifests in a discreet manner. It is shown that converts are well placed to expose this 'subtle Islamophobia' because their intimate and regular contact with non-Muslims makes them particularly susceptible to frank remarks about their Muslim identity.

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“…Consociationalism in Malaysia differs from Northern Ireland in that it is exercised within the governing multi‐party coalition, Barisan Nasional (formerly the Alliance), which has been in power since independence in 1957 (Brown :34). At the time of independence, the state now known as Malaysia was called the Federation of Malaya and was not renamed until 1963, after the inclusion of the British colonial territories of Sarawak, Sabah, and Singapore, although the latter was expelled from the state in 1965 (ibid.:49–50).…”

Section: Malaysiamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…At the time of independence, the state now known as Malaysia was called the Federation of Malaya and was not renamed until 1963, after the inclusion of the British colonial territories of Sarawak, Sabah, and Singapore, although the latter was expelled from the state in 1965 (ibid.:49–50). Consociational arrangements in Malaysia were imposed by Britain in 1957 due to the presence of three main ethnic groups: the majority indigenous Malays, and the migrant Chinese and Indians, with most migrants having settled during the era of British colonialism from the late 1800s (Brown :430; :33). As is the case in Northern Ireland, there is little strict territorial organization to the distribution of Malaysia's ethnic communities, with bumiputera (indigenous peoples, the majority of whom are Malay) making up around two‐thirds of the overall population, the ethnic Chinese approximately a quarter, and ethnic Indians 7% (Population and Housing Census of Malaysia ).…”

Section: Malaysiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Consociationalism and Identity in Ethnically Divided Societies: Northern Ireland and Malaysia

Jarrett

2016

Studies Ethnicity & National

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This article tests the hypothesis that ethnic identities in divided societies lose their significance after the implementation of consociational power-sharing arrangements. It analyses and compares the cases of Northern Ireland and Malaysia, as both have a substantially different experience of liberal consociationalism. In Northern Ireland, power sharing is strictly enforced through the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement of 1998, whilst in Malaysia it is exercised more informally within the Barisan Nasional coalition, which has governed the state since independence in 1957. Malaysia, therefore, has a considerably longer history of consociationalism than Northern Ireland. It is thought that if a mitigation of the salience of ethnic identities is taking place, ethnic political parties would become less prevalent. This article argues that these parties remain highly significant and, therefore, a shared identity is not being realized in either case. This conclusion does not, however, demonstrate a shortcoming of consociational theory but instead shows that managing conflict in divided societies is not the same as removing it altogether.

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Legible Pluralism: The Politics of Ethnic and Religious Identification in Malaysia

Cited by 14 publications

References 30 publications

Framing interethnic conflict in Malaysia: A comparative analysis of newspapers coverage on the keris polemics

Framing interethnic conflict in Malaysia: A comparative analysis of newspapers coverage on the keris polemics

The Racialization of Muslim Converts in Britain and Their Experiences of Islamophobia

Consociationalism and Identity in Ethnically Divided Societies: Northern Ireland and Malaysia

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