Lengthened affricates as a test case for the phonetics–phonology interface

Pycha, Anne

doi:10.1017/s0025100308003666

Cited by 15 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 44 publications

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“…Johnston, 2004;Kingston, 2006;Nolan, 1992;Pycha, 2010;Zimmerer, -25 -2009;Zimmerer, Reetz & Lahiri, 2009). Since their resemblance is quite strong, some accounts have argued that reduction and deletion are only different with respect to the gradient nature of the process.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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When BEAT becomes HOUSE: Factors of word final /t/-deletion in German

Zimmerer

Scharinger

Reetz

2011

Speech Communication

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Please cite this article as: Zimmerer, F., Scharinger, M., Reetz, H., When BEAT becomes HOUSE: Factors of word final /t/-deletion in German, Speech Communication (2011Communication ( ), doi: 10.1016Communication ( /j.specom.2011 This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain.-1 - When BEAT becomes HOUSE: Factors of word final /t/-deletion in German AbstractThe deletion and reduction of alveolar /t/ is a phenomenon that has been given considerable attention in the research on speech production and perception. Data have mainly be drawn from spoken language corpora, where a tight control over contributing factors of /t/-deletion is hardly possible. Here, we present a new way of creating a spoken language corpus adhering to some crucial factors we wanted to hold constant for the investigation of word-final /t/-deletion in German. German is especially interesting with regard to /t/ deletion due to its rich suffixal morphology, attributing morphological status to word-final /t/ in many paradigms. We focused on verb inflection and employed a verb form production task for creating a concise corpus of naturally spoken language in which we could control for factors previously established to affect /t/-deletion. We then determined the best estimators for /t/-productions (i.e. canonical, deleted, or reduced) in our corpus. The influence of extra-linguistic factors was comparable to previous studies. We suggest that our method of constructing a natural language corpus with carefully selected characteristics is a viable way for the examination of deletions and reductions during speech production. Furthermore, we found that the best predictor for non-canonical productions and deletions was the following phonological context.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While on first sight, it is attractive to assume only one general process of reduction, the results also allow for an alternative interpretation where phonology and phonetics are important to be kept apart (see, among others Arvaniti, 2007;Kingston, 2006;Lahiri, 2007;Pycha, 2010).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

When BEAT becomes HOUSE: Factors of word final /t/-deletion in German

Zimmerer

Scharinger

Reetz

2011

Speech Communication

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“…We find such a case in Hungarian, where Pycha has argued that a segment-internal timing distinction across two types of affricates is maintained under gemination. Pycha (2009Pycha ( , 2010 (2016) proposed a Q-theoretic representation for these segments, as shown in (13). (13) Pycha (2009Pycha ( , 2010 explains that this same distinction in relative stop-fricative durations holds under gemination, in which the frication portion of the affricate remains the same but and the duration of the closure is extended.…”

Section: Representations With Fewer Than Three Subsegments Inkelas Amentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Pycha (2009Pycha ( , 2010 (2016) proposed a Q-theoretic representation for these segments, as shown in (13). (13) Pycha (2009Pycha ( , 2010 explains that this same distinction in relative stop-fricative durations holds under gemination, in which the frication portion of the affricate remains the same but and the duration of the closure is extended. Crucially, while this same pattern holds under phonological gemination, it does not hold in phonetic lengthening conditions.…”

Section: Representations With Fewer Than Three Subsegments Inkelas Amentioning

confidence: 99%

A Q-theoretic approach to distinctive subsegmental timing

Garvin¹,

Lapierre²,

Inkelas

2018

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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Abstract. This paper presents two case studies of segment-internal timing distinctions which motivate Q Theory, in which each segment (Q) is represented as a string of featurally uniform subsegments (q), e.g. (q1 q2 q3), corresponding to the informal concepts of onset, target, and offset (Inkelas & Shih 2013, 2016, 2017, Shih & Inkelas 2014. We argue, based on Panará and Hungarian, that this representational richness is motivated by the need to represent phonologically tripartite segments, as well as segment-internal timing distinctions that are phonologically contrastive. In addition to supporting existing Q theory architecture, we also argue for expanding the repertoire of Q Theory further to include phonologically long segments, such as geminates.

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“…With respect to the phonological lengthening (gemination) triggered by -val/-vel 'with', Pycha (2009) found the following results. As expected, when she compared the total duration of affricates in forms in -on/-en/-ön 'on' (e.g., teknőcön 'on a tortoise') with that in forms in -val/-vel (e.g., teknőccel 'with a tortoise'), she got 149.3 ms (SD 29.9 ms) for the former and 223.6 ms (SD 32.8 ms) for the latter, that is, a ratio of 150%.…”

Section: The Duration and Internal Structure Of Geminates (And Degemimentioning

confidence: 79%

Degemination in Hungarian: Phonology or phonetics?

Siptár¹,

Gráczi²

2014

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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It is traditionally held with respect to Hungarian degemination that geminates do not occur in this language word initially or flanked by another consonant on either side. The occurrence of geminates, true and fake ones alike, is said to be impossible except intervocalically or utterance finally (if preceded by a vowel and followed by a pause). However, this traditional view is oversimplified. Siptár (2000) proposed to amend it by positing three different degemination rules, applying at word level, postlexically, and in the phonetic implementation module, respectively. Furthermore, he reinterpreted several cases that traditionally had been analysed as degemination as lack of gemination. In view of the recent literature, however, the hypothesis can be advanced that the whole issue should be seen as a matter of phonetic duration rather than that of phonological quantity. In particular, the hypothesis is that the familiar degemination effects are not specific to geminates: they are due to phonetic compression of CCC clusters. The paper presents and discusses that hypothesis and cites some results of a small-scale phonetic experiment designed to confirm (or disconfirm) it by empirical data. Six short texts involving all types of geminates and control sequences with both short and long consonants were created. Six consonants (two fricatives, three plosives, and a nasal) were used in the test (and control) sequences. The duration of the target consonant and that of the consonant cluster including it were measured in each case. The results partially support the hypothesis but they also raise some further questions.

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Lengthened affricates as a test case for the phonetics–phonology interface

Cited by 15 publications

References 44 publications

When BEAT becomes HOUSE: Factors of word final /t/-deletion in German

When BEAT becomes HOUSE: Factors of word final /t/-deletion in German

A Q-theoretic approach to distinctive subsegmental timing

Degemination in Hungarian: Phonology or phonetics?

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