Les militant·e·s de SUD-PTT : entre discrimination co-construite et répression syndicale

Abstract

La fédération SUD-PTT mène depuis plusieurs années une campagne contre la discrimination et la répression syndicale à La Poste dont elle se dit particulièrement victime. Une telle campagne peut surprendre compte tenu de la forte implantation syndicale dans cette entreprise et de l'institutionnalisation des relations sociales. La question est donc de savoir si cette entreprise peut se montrer globalement généreuse en droit syndical et adopter en même temps une politique ou une stratégie discriminatoire et répressive à l'égard des organisations syndicales les plus combatives. Plus précisément, on peut se demander si la confrontation qui oppose actuellement La Poste à ses syndicats « contestataires », dont SUD-PTT, n'a pas un autre enjeu que celui des réorganisations organisationnelles et économiques de l'entreprise, qui touche alors à la redéfinition du « dialogue social » interne. AbstractFor several years now, the SUD-PTT federation has been conducting a campaign against discrimination and union repression at La Poste, of which it has been a victim. The SUD-PTT campaign can come as a surprise, given the strong union presence at La Poste, and given the institutionalization of its social relations. The issue here is to explore if La Poste can portray itself as having munificent union rights and yet adopt discriminatory, repressive policy or strategy against the most challenging union organizations. More to the point, one wonders if there isn't more at stake in the confrontation which currently pits La Poste against its "dissident" unions -which includes SUD-PTT -examined in this article. Is there not an agenda which implies redefining the in-house "social dialogue", under the cover of the organizational and economic restructuring at La Poste.

Women's Participation in a Radical Trade Union Movement That Claims to be Feminist

“…One interpretation, linked to the second issue mentioned by the respondents, is that belonging to SUD brings about specific difficulties in terms of work/union life balance. Because of their militant and conflictive union activism, SUD activists suffer frequent victimization (Denis ). Our survey shows that 45 per cent of the respondents felt discriminated against at work, mainly because of their union role (63 per cent), sex (21 per cent) or both (21 per cent).…”

“…Our survey shows that 45 per cent of the respondents felt discriminated against at work, mainly because of their union role (63 per cent), sex (21 per cent) or both (21 per cent). However, as Maïwenn’ biography illustrates, this victimization can be accepted and construed by SUD trade unionist as part of their union identity (Denis ).…”

“…Compared with more institutionalized trade unions, SUD unions enjoy fewer rights and offer insecure union careers. Trade unionists are also more vulnerable to victimization, resulting in wage stagnation and frequent harassment (Denis ). Furthermore, as shown in previous research (Guillaume ; Guillaume and Pochic ), equality policies do not always filter down through organizations, which may allow discriminatory practices to persist, whether they be obvious forms of sexism or more subtle forms of exclusion aimed at less experienced (and sometimes less qualified) female activists.…”

“…We argue that the complexity of class and gender relations is critical to any understanding of women's participation in radical trade unions, especially when these unions claim to be feminist and attract qualified and professional women, which is the case with the SUD movement and its national umbrella organization, Union Syndicale Solidaires (referred thereinafter as Solidaires ). While describing themselves as radical and considering victimization as the price of their commitment (Denis ), most SUD activists have high levels of qualification, even when they work in low‐paid jobs (Béroud et al . ).…”