Les mouvements de résistance au Dahomey (1914-1917).

Garcia, Luc

doi:10.3406/cea.1970.2847

Cited by 28 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…At least until World War I peasants were able to protect much of their surplus through concealment, collusion, and underreporting. Thus, for example, the Sahoue and Holli of Dahomey impeded the access of revenue collectors by planting thick bushes around their villages or by attacking road crews (Coquery- Vidrovitch 1985;Garcia, 1970). Hausa peasants repeatedly cut telegraph lines to prevent the understaffed British colonial administration from controlling the Sokoto hinterland (Last, 1970).…”

Section: Withholding Peasant Productionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…has reached a very high state of perfection among the natives of the northern provinces" (Watts, 1988: 137). When deception failed, rural communities occasionally resorted to ambushing tax collectors (Gahama, 1983;Garcia, 1970, Latour-Dejean, 1980Pelissier, 1978Pelissier, , 1984. 57 Peasants also contested colonial policies they believed would reduce their assets.…”

Section: Withholding Peasant Productionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…57. Armed attacks against tax collectors are well documented in such diverse places as Niger, Dahomey, Burundi and Angola (Gahama, 1983;Garcia, 1970;Latour-Dejean, 1980;Pelissier, 1978). 58.…”

Section: In An Important Redefinition Of the Resistance Debatementioning

confidence: 99%

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Peasants and Rural Social Protest in Africa

Isaacman¹

1990

African Studies Review

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Peasants are an ambiguous social category. They are difficult to define and their political behavior defies most generalizations. Nevertheless, social scientists, many working outside of Africa, have produced a voluminous literature debating both the critical characteristics and the analytical utility of the term peasant. Some take the view that peasants have been defined so broadly and contradictorily as to render the concept virtually useless and that the notion should either be discarded or referred to only by negation (Dalton, 1972; Hill, 1963; Moore, 1972; Ennew, Hirst, and Tribe, 1977; Friedmann, 1980). Other scholars obviously disagree, having advanced definitions of the essence of peasants and varieties of agrarian change. Culturalists such as Kroeber (1948) and Redfield (1956) highlighted the peasants' folk version of a higher culture. Chayanov (1966) emphasized the demographic cycle of the peasant household, exhibiting a natural pattern of growth and change. Wolf (1966) and Godelier (1973) shifted the focus to the historically derived relationships of domination in which peasants were subsumed. Shanin defined peasants “as a kind of arrangement of humanity” (1973: 76) in which their partial involvement in the market and their partial subordination to the state or appropriating class were their most salient characteristics. These debates were reproduced within African Studies. Those skeptical that the concept had any analytical value initially prevailed. This position was defended most vigorously in a theoretical essay by Fallers (1961) and in Hill's (1963) masterful work on agrarian change in southern Ghana. As late as 1972, Post noted that “most writers either evade this issue or display analytical uncertainty or forthrightly reject the term [peasant]” (1972: 223).

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Section: Withholding Peasant Productionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Withholding Peasant Productionmentioning

confidence: 99%