This paper starts from the consideration that, when an indefinite pronoun is found in a Latinconditional clause, it is quis in most cases, but in some cases it can also be aliquis or even quidam.Our investigation tries to explain both the usual case represented by quis and the exceptional cases, represented by aliquis. Furthermore, we will take into consideration negative conditional clauses, trying to explain unexpected phenomena like the low number of occurrences of quis and the absence of quisquam in nisi clauses.
IntroductionGrammars underline that quis is atonic and occurs enclitic of si and its compounds, of ne, num, an, cum, ubi. In general terms, it can then be said that the contexts of occurrence of quis are those presenting a situation as hypothetical or virtual. The reasons of such a limited co-occurrence appear to be strictly determined by the semantic properties of quis. In particular, one feature appears to characterize quis: the lack of specificity. To explain what we mean by the term 'specific' we will follow Haspelmath's analysis. According to Haspelmath (1997: 37) example (1) may have two readings , a specific and a non-specific one:(1) Nabuko wants to marry a native speaker of Ainu.In the specific reading the existence of a uniquely identified Ainu speaker is presupposed, whereas in the non-specific reading the identity of the Ainu speaker has not been established. The criteria distinguishing specific from non-specific expressions are that only with specific expressions the speaker presupposes the existence and unique identifiability of the referent. In our analysis of Latin indefinites we will show that the two criteria of 'presupposition of existence' and 'unique identifiability' do not always hold together. Certain Latin indefinites require that between the cases of specific reference, characterised by the properties [+presupposition of existence, +unique identifiability] (most cases of aliquis) and the cases of non-specific reference, i.e. [-presupposition of existence, -unique identifiability] (all cases of quis) also cases are found where the referent of the indefinite is given as existing, but it is not uniquely identifiable (some instances of aliquis) .' The contexts allowing two readings are called 'irrealis' by Croft (1983) and Haspelmath (1997).An example of a non-specific reading carrying the presupposition of existence is given by Haspelmath (1997: 41): 'Everybody is reading something'. The example is ambiguous between two Brought to you by |