Abstract:After three decades of European integration, during which border controls seemed like a relic from the past, the refugee crisis and Brexit have brought the issue to the centre of public debate. Existing research points towards the relevance of collective identity for attitude formation in the field of high politics, but has so far not answered the question of how far collective identities explain support for different intra‐EU border regimes. My article closes this gap. It is based on an original representativ… Show more
“…In the short term, however, there is little doubt that the post‐functionalist approach to supranational integration sees latent national identities as a potential threat to further integration, should these be activated by opportunistic political entrepreneurs. Exclusive identities may even represent a threat to existing integration in highly politicized contexts, such as the European Monetary Union or the Schengen area (Karstens, ).…”
Section: Linking Core State Powers and Collective Identitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Matthijs and Merler's () article expresses the important function of maintaining Europe as a space with no internal frontiers, granting a fundamental freedom to circulation; a specific form of negative integration achieved by limiting domestic action in the field of border management that has been traditionally seen as a core state function. Matthijs and Merler's work suggests that freedom of movement constructs identification, while Felix Karstens () asks, in the sixth contibution in this collection, to what extent opposition to freedom of movement is associated with exclusive national identities. In his article, Karstens presents a newly collected dataset exploring attitudes towards mobility and intra‐EU border controls.…”
Section: The Structure Of This Special Issuementioning
This special issue explores the relationship between collective identities and the integration of core state powers, that is, the delegation of powers to a centralized institution in policy areas that are essential for the functioning of the modern state. In this introductory article we present the main conceptualizations of the contributions to the special issue that define our understanding of collective identities and core state powers. We discuss the multi‐level nature of collective identities and we discuss theoretical expectations over the link between collective identities and core state powers. Finally, we briefly present each of the contributions to the issue and discuss how they relate to the broad research goals, the special issue and to each other.
“…In the short term, however, there is little doubt that the post‐functionalist approach to supranational integration sees latent national identities as a potential threat to further integration, should these be activated by opportunistic political entrepreneurs. Exclusive identities may even represent a threat to existing integration in highly politicized contexts, such as the European Monetary Union or the Schengen area (Karstens, ).…”
Section: Linking Core State Powers and Collective Identitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Matthijs and Merler's () article expresses the important function of maintaining Europe as a space with no internal frontiers, granting a fundamental freedom to circulation; a specific form of negative integration achieved by limiting domestic action in the field of border management that has been traditionally seen as a core state function. Matthijs and Merler's work suggests that freedom of movement constructs identification, while Felix Karstens () asks, in the sixth contibution in this collection, to what extent opposition to freedom of movement is associated with exclusive national identities. In his article, Karstens presents a newly collected dataset exploring attitudes towards mobility and intra‐EU border controls.…”
Section: The Structure Of This Special Issuementioning
This special issue explores the relationship between collective identities and the integration of core state powers, that is, the delegation of powers to a centralized institution in policy areas that are essential for the functioning of the modern state. In this introductory article we present the main conceptualizations of the contributions to the special issue that define our understanding of collective identities and core state powers. We discuss the multi‐level nature of collective identities and we discuss theoretical expectations over the link between collective identities and core state powers. Finally, we briefly present each of the contributions to the issue and discuss how they relate to the broad research goals, the special issue and to each other.
“…Next to the support for the political system, having an additional European identity has also other positive effects for social cohesion: Curtis (2014) has found that including European identity into the self-concept next to a national identity predicts positive attitudes towards immigrants. In contrast, having an exclusively national identity predicts preferences for closed borders ( Karstens, 2020 ). Another key impact of inclusive national identity is the higher preferences for redistribution among Europeans ( Nicoli et al, 2020 ).…”
Section: European Identities Immigration and The Local Contextmentioning
In this article, we argue that the size and cultural proximity of immigrant populations in people's residential surroundings shape national and European identities. This means that the type of migrant population activates cultural threat perceptions and opportunities for contact to varying degrees. Geocoded survey data from the Netherlands suggests that large non-Western immigrant shares are associated with more exclusive national identities, while mixed contexts with Western and non-Western populations show more inclusive identities. These results suggest that highly diverse areas with mixed immigrant populations hold a potential for more tolerance. In contrast, exclusive national identities become strongly pronounced under the presence of sizeable culturally distant immigrant groups.
“…The first contribution of this article is to assess whether exclusive identification with the nation-state influences support for differentiated integration even among those not sharing the same group's well-established opposition to EU membership (Hooghe and Marks 2005;Hooghe and Marks 2009;Karstens 2020b;Skinner 2012). The strong correlation between exclusiveness of national identities and opposition to EU integration is posited to stem from how exclusive identification with the nation-state may lead to a perception of the nation-state as the legitimate locus of political authority.…”
Section: Conceptualizing Support For Differentiated Integrationmentioning
A large literature investigates support for European integration. However, only recently have public opinion scholars turned their focus to public perceptions of differentiated modes of integration. This article contributes to this growing literature by investigating whether exclusively national identities lead to a demand for more differentiated integration at the EU level, regardless of individual views of the question of EU membership. Using survey data from 2020, I show that solely identifying with one’s nation-state does not increase support for temporally or functionally differentiated European integration in any substantive way. However, it appears to be a key motivator of support for differentiation among those opposing EU membership. This suggests that those most concerned with sovereignty are no more likely than others to support a more differentiated EU. It also suggests that a more differentiated future EU may not be enough to stem constraining dissensus at the popular level.
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