Leveraging the biology of adversity to address the roots of disparities in health and development

Shonkoff, Jack P.

doi:10.1073/pnas.1121259109

Cited by 243 publications

(210 citation statements)

References 78 publications

(67 reference statements)

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“…O primeiro desses novos modelos, proposto por Shonkoff (2010Shonkoff ( , 2012, afirma que as experiências de estresse tóxico no início do desenvolvimento da criança constituem-se fator de alto risco para a saúde na fase adulta. De acordo com Shonkoff (2010Shonkoff ( , 2012, existem três tipos de estresse: o positivo, o tolerável e o tóxico. O estresse positivo corresponde a um estado psicológico de duração breve e de intensidade leve à moderada.…”

Section: Abordagem Do Desenvolvimento Na Saúde Da Criança: Modelos Teunclassified

“…Contudo, se a criança tiver um ambiente protetor, poderá enfrentar os eventos adversos, com redução do estresse fisiológico do organismo e promoção de respostas de enfrentamento adaptativo com senso de autorregulação (Linhares & Martins, 2015 O estresse tóxico é caracterizado por uma reatividade forte do organismo, frequente e de prolongada ativação do corpo ao sistema de reposta ao estímulo estressor (Shonkoff, 2010;Shonkoff et al, 2012a). Além desse maior nível de ativação, o estresse tóxico ocorre na ausência dos relacionamentos de um suporte protetor para a criança por parte dos adultos cuidadores (Shonkoff, 2012;Shonkoff, Richter, van der Gaag, & Bhutta, 2012b). Os fatores de risco estudados pelo Adverse Childhood Experiences Study incluem múltiplos estressores, como abuso infantil ou negligência, abuso de substâncias dos pais e depressão materna, sendo esses capazes de provocar a indução de uma resposta ao estresse tóxico (Shonkoff, 2010(Shonkoff, , 2012Shonkoff, Boyce, & McEwen, 2009;Shonkoff & Bales, 2011;Shonkoff & Levitt, 2010;Shonkoff et al, 2012b).…”

Section: Abordagem Do Desenvolvimento Na Saúde Da Criança: Modelos Teunclassified

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Estresse precoce no desenvolvimento: impactos na saúde e mecanismos de proteção

Linhares

2016

Estud. psicol. (Campinas)

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Estudos de Psicologia I Campinas I 33(4) I 587-599 I outubro -dezembro 2016 ResumoEste artigo tem por objetivo, primeiramente, apresentar uma abordagem do desenvolvimento na área de saúde da criança, focalizando modelos teórico-conceituais sobre o impacto do estresse precoce no desenvolvimento e na saúde. Em segundo lugar, busca apresentar pesquisas na área de Psicologia Pediátrica, que foram realizadas no âmbito de um hospital universitário público, com neonatos e crianças hospitalizadas, cujas condições clínicas ou de tratamento médico envolviam situações altamente estressoras. O artigo trata dos principais modelos teórico-conceituais sobre estresse precoce com impacto no desenvolvimento e na saúde, a saber: Sameroff; Evans e Wachs; Shonkoff; e Kazak. As pesquisas, por sua vez, abordam a exposição a estressores durante a hospitalização de neonatos e crianças, bem como suas mães, e intervenções preventivas para manejo de estresse e/ou dor. Ao final do artigo, é apresentado um modelo com diretrizes para promover a transferência de evidências científicas para a prática clínica, visando implementar mudanças no âmbito hospitalar. Palavras-chave:

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Section: Abordagem Do Desenvolvimento Na Saúde Da Criança: Modelos Teunclassified

Estresse precoce no desenvolvimento: impactos na saúde e mecanismos de proteção

Linhares

2016

Estud. psicol. (Campinas)

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“…[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8] The disproportionate exposure of low-income children to abuse, neglect, and other adversities 9,10 has been implicated as an important contributor to health disparities. 11,12 Preventing and mitigating the impact of ACEs is critical to decreasing health disparities.…”

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confidence: 99%

Adverse Childhood Experiences of Low-Income Urban Youth

Wade¹,

et al. 2014

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BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVE: Current assessments of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) may not adequately encompass the breadth of adversity to which low-income urban children are exposed. The purpose of this study was to identify and characterize the range of adverse childhood experiences faced by young adults who grew up in a low-income urban area. METHODS: Focus groups were conducted with young adults who grew up in low-income Philadelphia neighborhoods. Using the nominal group technique, participants generated a list of adverse childhood experiences and then identified the 5 most stressful experiences on the group list. The most stressful experiences identified by participants were grouped into a ranked list of domains and subdomains. RESULTS: Participants identified a range of experiences, grouped into 10 domains: family relationships, community stressors, personal victimization, economic hardship, peer relationships, discrimination, school, health, child welfare/juvenile justice, and media/technology. Included in these domains were many but not all of the experiences from the initial ACEs studies; parental divorce/separation and mental illness were absent. Additional experiences not included in the initial ACEs but endorsed by our participants included single-parent homes; exposure to violence, adult themes, and criminal behavior; personal victimization; bullying; economic hardship; and discrimination. CONCLUSIONS: Gathering youth perspectives on childhood adversity broadens our understanding of the experience of stress and trauma in childhood. Future work is needed to determine the significance of this broader set of adverse experiences in predisposing children to poor health outcomes as adults.

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“…High levels of stress can be tolerable in the presence of "stress buffers" such as social support and a sense of control over the stress (Chen et al 2011;Luby et al 2012;Malecki and Demaray 2006). Unfortunately, chronic, unbuffered, uncontrollable stress (i.e., "toxic stress") can be devastating for brain development (Shonkoff 2012). Low SES is associated with more stressful life events, more perceived stress, and fewer stress buffers (Baum et al 1999).…”

Section: Stressmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Role and Sources of Individual Differences in Critical-Analytic Thinking: a Capsule Overview

et al. 2014

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Critical-analytic thinking is typically conceived as a meta-construct that arises at the junction of a problem state (i.e., a situation that requires analysis that challenges previous assumptions) and an individual (i.e., an entity with the capacity to exercise critical-analytic thinking). With regard to the latter, there is a substantial body of research focusing on developmental and educational prerequisites for critical-analytic thinking. A less studied aspect of critical-analytic thinking pertains to individual differences, particularly in the set of foundational or componential cognitive skills that embody this construct. The bottom line here is whether, all else being equal (i.e., the same situation and the same developmental/ educational stage), there is variation in whether, when, and how people think critically/ analytically. We argue that there is unequivocal evidence for both the existence and importance of individual differences in critical-analytic thinking. This review focuses on theoretical and empirical evidence, identifying the cognitive processes that serve as the sources of these individual differences and capturing these processes' differential contributions to both the critical and analytic components of this construct.Keywords Critical analytic thinking . Neurocognitive mechanisms . Fluid reasoning . Executive function . Genetic factors . Environmental factors For better or for worse, people differ. The number of dimensions on which they differ is endless; one such dimension is the way they think. Here we are interested in surveying both the presentation and sources of individual differences in critical-analytic thinking. Whereas Educ Psychol Rev (2014) what critical-analytic thinking is, the construct is ill-defined and this has been a source of constant debate. Although the debate has swung from a notion of the skills and capacities necessary for critical-analytic thinking to one of disposition toward truth-seeking (Burbules and Berk 1999), the former provides for analysis and the measurement a set of requisite cognitive processes to unpack, with respect to variability in performance in situations and on tasks requiring critical-analytic thinking. As critical-analytic thinking occurs so naturally for some, yet so painfully arduous for others, it is likely that this type of thinking embeds a "vast variety of cognitive skills" (Lipman 1988) that must be orchestrated together, both developmentally as a capacity, and concurrently, as an act. Thus, both the skills and the way they are combined generate a source of individual differences. The intent of this review is to provide an understanding of how variations in several core neurocognitive systems, stemming from genetic and environmental sources, lead to differences in the capacity for and competency in critical-analytic thinking.Critical-analytic thinking involves the ability to overcome one's own biases by decontextualizing an argument (the critical component) and evaluating it rationally (the analytic component), rather than lo...

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Leveraging the biology of adversity to address the roots of disparities in health and development

Cited by 243 publications

References 78 publications

Estresse precoce no desenvolvimento: impactos na saúde e mecanismos de proteção

Estresse precoce no desenvolvimento: impactos na saúde e mecanismos de proteção

Adverse Childhood Experiences of Low-Income Urban Youth

The Role and Sources of Individual Differences in Critical-Analytic Thinking: a Capsule Overview

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