Links-autoritäre Bürger bei der Bundestagswahl 2013: Sozialstrukturelle Determinanten und Konsequenzen einer Angebotslücke für Wahlbeteiligung und Regimeunterstützung

Bridging Left and Right? How Sahra Wagenknecht Could Change the German Party Landscape

“…Regarding Switzerland, Kurella and Rosset (2018) present evidence that when there is lack of left-authoritarian representation and cultural issues are highly salient, left-authoritarians are significantly more inclined to refrain from voting or to support a right-wing party based on cultural proximity. These findings are consistent with prior research on working-class voters in general, which has indicated that the vote shift of the working class from the mainstream left to the radical right is primarily driven by the growing importance of the sociocultural dimension (Oesch and Rennwald 2018;Steiner and Hillen 2019).…”

“…While later studies (Kriesi et al 2008;Oesch and Rennwald 2018) refrain from using the term working class in association with left-authoritarianism, the general idea of who left-authoritarians are has not changed since then and has become more relevant with the salience of sociocultural issues. While voters with higher education tend to have more left-libertarian opinions, working-class voters are more likely to hold left-authoritarian views (Oesch and Rennwald 2018;Steiner and Hillen 2019). Especially since the financial crisis of 2008, the conceptualisation of "cosmopolitan winners" and "communitarian losers" of globalisation (Kriesi et al 2008) has become relevant.…”

“…For our operationalisation, we differentiated between eastern (1), and western (0) Germany. Because dissatisfaction with democracy is a major consequence of the left-authoritarian supply gap, as shown by Hillen and Steiner (2020) (see also Hakhverdian andSchakel 2022 andHillen 2019), we analysed whether those who are less satisfied with the democratic system in Germany are also more likely to have a positive perception of Wagenknecht in comparison to The Left. To determine the respondents' satisfaction with democracy as it exists in Germany, they were asked to indicate their level of satisfaction with the current political system in Germany on a scale from ( 1) not at all satisfied to (5) fully satisfied.…”

The electoral roots of unequal representation. A spatial modelling approach to party systems and voting in Western Europe

“…In sum, when arranging the two axes of the policy space as illustrated in Figure 1, we expect poor voters' ideal points to be more likely located in the upper left corner, characterized by economically left and culturally conservative stances, and rich voters' ideal points more likely to be located in the bottom right corner of the policy space, which represents economically right and culturally progressive ideals. And indeed, the few studies that look at the positioning of social groups on both dimensions simultaneously show that members of the working class (Oesch & Rennwald 2018) and relatively poor citizens (Steiner & Hillen 2019) tend to be over-represented in the culturally conservative and economically redistributive corner of the policy space.…”

“…In an era when political competition can be characterized as two-dimensional (Kriesi et al 2012), some corners of the policy space are simply not covered by parties, thus creating a supply gap for citizens holding specific preference configurations. For these citizens, among whom there is an over-representation of poor citizens, it is impossible to choose a party that represents them on both dimensions simultaneously (Rosset 2016;Steiner & Hillen 2019). These citizens are crosspressured in their vote choice and, if they decide to turn out nevertheless, they have to weigh the importance of each of these dimensions against each other and can thus only express part of their preferences in their vote choice.…”