Lived Orthodoxy and Confessional Diversity: The Last Decade on Religion in Modern Russia

Werth, Paul W.

doi:10.1353/kri.2011.0044

Cited by 7 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 49 publications

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“…We suggest that the high prevalence of religious coping in Peru can be explained by the fact that the Catholicism that is practiced by a majority of the Peruvian population (Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática, 2017) presents itself as a panacea for all worries, and it is a common practice in Peru to pray for relief from hardship and distress. In contrast, the religious practices of the Orthodox church, which is dominant in Russia (Pew Research Center, 2017) and Islam, which is dominant in Kyrgyzstan (Central Intelligence Agency, 2020), involve more of paying respect and devotion to spiritual beliefs and less of asking for support (Werth, 2011). However, religious coping is a complex construct that includes a variety of motivations and behaviors (Abu-Raiya & Pargament, 2015); the data from the COPE questionnaire do not allow drawing more detailed conclusions about the nature of the di erences in religious coping that we observed.…”

Section: Variability Of Coping Behaviors Within and Between Countriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Coping Responses During the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Russia, Kyrgyzstan, and Peru

Voronin¹,

Manrique‐Millones²,

Vasin³

et al. 2020

Psych. Rus.

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Background. !e COVID-19 pandemic has subjected people around the world to severe stress, evoking a variety of coping responses. Coping responses can be broadly classi"ed into four strategies: 1) problem-focused coping; 2) emotionfocused coping; 3) socially supported coping; and 4) avoidance. While there is a wide variability of individual coping responses, to some extent they are also culturally speci"c. Objective. !is study aimed to compare the di#erences in the prevalence and factor structure of coping responses during COVID-19 pandemic in three countries: Russia, Kyrgyzstan, and Peru. Design. !e sample included 501 participants from Russia, 456 participants from Kyrgyzstan, and 354 participants from Peru. !e mean age of participants was 28 years in Russia (SD = 13.5); 24 years in Kyrgyzstan (SD = 10.0); and 30 years in Peru (SD = 12.3). In Russia and Kyrgyzstan, coping strategies were assessed with an abbreviated Russian adaptation of the COPE (Coping Orientations to Problems Experienced) questionnaire. In Peru, coping responses were assessed using the Spanish version of the Brief COPE questionnaire. !e average scores from "%een COPE scales were used as the input data for linear modelling and factor analysis. Results. !e coping scores varied substantially within each country. Di#erences between countries accounted for 17.7% of the total variability in religious coping; 15.8% in acceptance; 13.9% in mental disengagement; and less than 7% in the other coping strategies. No di#erence in the prevalence of coping responses was found between Russian and Kyrgyz participants a%er accounting for age and gender. In all three countries the coping responses were associated with the same four coping domains: problem-focused coping, socially supported coping, avoidance, and emotion-focused coping. Four factors explained up to 44% of the total variation in the COPE scores. Religious coping and mental disengagement were classi"ed into di#erent coping domains in the three countries. Conclusion. !e results suggest that during the COVID-19 pandemic, people from di#erent countries apply the full range of coping responses within the four universal coping strategies. Religious coping and mental disengagement di#ered the most across the countries, suggesting that some coping behaviors can take on di#erent roles within the system of coping responses to stressful events. We attribute these di#erences to di#ering cultural and socioeconomic characteristics, and the di#erent measures taken by governments in response to COVID-19.

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Section: Variability Of Coping Behaviors Within and Between Countriesmentioning

confidence: 99%