2002
DOI: 10.1111/j.1743-4580.2002.00009.x-i1
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Living‐Wage Campaigns and Laws

Abstract: This article examines the origins and development of living‐wage ordinances that have been passed in more than eighty cities and counties, and the nature of the local campaigns promoting their passage. Ordinance characteristics and a number of specific campaigns are described, and factors contributing to the success of local efforts are considered. Coalitions including labor movement, community, and religious organizations have been central to these efforts, and the potential political and organizing impact of… Show more

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Cited by 13 publications
(17 citation statements)
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“…The first modern LW campaign started in Baltimore, MD, USA, in 1994 through local legislation, following a proposal from a coalition of civil society actors. This campaign was successful and spawned a range of successors across the USA, as well as in the UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand (Levi et al 2002;Luce 2004). Interestingly, there has not been much spillover towards the continental Europe.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The first modern LW campaign started in Baltimore, MD, USA, in 1994 through local legislation, following a proposal from a coalition of civil society actors. This campaign was successful and spawned a range of successors across the USA, as well as in the UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand (Levi et al 2002;Luce 2004). Interestingly, there has not been much spillover towards the continental Europe.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…But as Levi, Olson, and Steinman elaborate, these coalitions are "no small feat, given the immense animosity that has characterized these relationships in the past decades." 21 Within this tension-filled work, religious coalition organizations regularly emerge as bridge builders that are structurally situated and ideologically committed to cultivating, monitoring, and repairing relational ties among labor and community organizing groups, particularly around issues of race and ethnicity.…”
Section: A Bridge Building Vocationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As Levi, Olson, and Steinman explain, "the racism and sexism of many unions, their conflicting goals [between community and labor activists] when it comes to urban renewal and other large construction projects that displace the poor without employing them, and their past indifference to service sector workers have proved an obstacle." 34 Interfaith Worker Justice spends much time nationally and locally producing documents and workshops on the "union difference" for low-wage workers. Within this material, a significant amount of time is spent recognizing the history of racism, sexism, and xenophobia within labor unions.…”
Section: Be Reconcilers 32 : Relational Repairmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…In some cases, unions have initiated campaigns when it becomes clear that they will be unable to win organizing campaigns, but some organizers have debated the merits of putting time and resources into a campaign that affects a limited number of workers. And it is questionable that LWCs are the best way to build strong unions (Levi et al 2003;Luce 2005). Although labor scholars have extolled what they see as a revitalized movement (Clawson 2003;Early and Cohen 1997;Lopez 2004), critics have warned that some coalitional organizing, initiated by outsiders-community activists, religious organizations, or student groups-can compromise worker empowerment (Clawson 2003, 188;Early 2003, 6).…”
Section: Lwcs: a New Framework For Worker Organizingmentioning
confidence: 99%