Abstract:Recent studies show that the numbers of aspiring migrants continue to be on the increase worldwide not only in the typical emigration countries in the South but also in the usual destination countries in the North. Yet, while migration theorists have recently included the micro perspective of individual agency and sociocultural logics in their search for the engine behind the migration flows, far less research has been done on the sociocultural embeddedness of the imaginations of aspiring migrants, most of who… Show more
“…There has been a long history and complex ‘culture’ and tradition of regional migration in West Africa, which spans close to 20 centuries (Kebbeh 2013: 1; Willems 2014: 320; Zanker & Altrogge 2017: 3), largely due to its geographic location, drawing international trade and the movement of people throughout history. Intercontinental migration, however, was relatively new to the mid-latter part of the 20th century, beginning as a privilege that only the minority of the population could embark upon.…”
Section: About the ‘Backway’mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A migration aspiration in the context of this study most often means that there is a strong conviction among those embarking on the backway that leaving would be better than staying. Migration transition theory argues that with increasing income, education and access to information and networks, peoples’ capabilities and aspirations to migrate can also increase (Willems 2014: 331; Flahaux & de Haas 2016: 23), highlighting that this trend is one that is likely to continue in the future. Applying Sen's (1985) capabilities framework to migration, human mobility is viewed as people's capability (freedom) to choose where to live – including the option to stay – instead of a more or less automated, passive and predictable response to a set of static push and pull factors (Graw 2012: 36; de Haas 2014: 4).…”
Gambian irregular migration is a phenomenon that is well known and discussed within this small African nation, yet little is understood of the deep personal and socio-cultural motives to embark on the perilous journey across the Sahara towards Europe. This paper explores the ambitions and capabilities of Gambians who embark on irregular migration, or the so-called ‘backway’.
“…There has been a long history and complex ‘culture’ and tradition of regional migration in West Africa, which spans close to 20 centuries (Kebbeh 2013: 1; Willems 2014: 320; Zanker & Altrogge 2017: 3), largely due to its geographic location, drawing international trade and the movement of people throughout history. Intercontinental migration, however, was relatively new to the mid-latter part of the 20th century, beginning as a privilege that only the minority of the population could embark upon.…”
Section: About the ‘Backway’mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A migration aspiration in the context of this study most often means that there is a strong conviction among those embarking on the backway that leaving would be better than staying. Migration transition theory argues that with increasing income, education and access to information and networks, peoples’ capabilities and aspirations to migrate can also increase (Willems 2014: 331; Flahaux & de Haas 2016: 23), highlighting that this trend is one that is likely to continue in the future. Applying Sen's (1985) capabilities framework to migration, human mobility is viewed as people's capability (freedom) to choose where to live – including the option to stay – instead of a more or less automated, passive and predictable response to a set of static push and pull factors (Graw 2012: 36; de Haas 2014: 4).…”
Gambian irregular migration is a phenomenon that is well known and discussed within this small African nation, yet little is understood of the deep personal and socio-cultural motives to embark on the perilous journey across the Sahara towards Europe. This paper explores the ambitions and capabilities of Gambians who embark on irregular migration, or the so-called ‘backway’.
“…The elsewhere, sports, and music have supplanted traditional ladders of social mobility like education and the myth of the civil servant. The long‐followed role models of the ku jàng ekool (the one who learns in school) or évolué (Dahou & Foucher , 8), “the intellectual myth introduced by the Senghorian model” (Havard , 63) have had their days (see Willems , 2). Today, this role model is deemed to produce what Alain Marie dubs diplômés‐chômeurs (unemployed graduates) (, 208).…”
Section: Tekki Bu Gaaw (Fast Success): Striving For Success and Sociamentioning
Toog (sitting), rey temps bi (killing time), and xaar (waiting) are expressions that characterize the current predicament of young males in Pikine, an urban area in the Dakar region of Senegal. These young men, who gather together daily in the koñ (i.e., a hangout at a street corner), emphasize this predicament as only a temporary circumstance of life, which I conceive of as "opportunistic waiting." Overall, the local societal atmosphere makes young men feel under constant pressure to achieve something in life in order to become full-fledged responsible men, an endeavor that is obstructed by a plethora of factors. However, in Pikinois society, "waiting" can also be seen in a positive way as an indicator of social status, as it signals that one is not so poor as to accept every kind of work. This paper, based on ethnographic research conducted over a period of eleven months between 2011 and 2013, assesses "opportunistic waiting" as a meaningful constructed temporality offering sociability among young men who are all in the same situation of not being able to become social adults. [Immobility; Mobility; Waithood; Youth; Dakar] City & Society, Vol. 31, Issue 2, pp. 208-226, ISSN 0893-0465, eISSN 1548-744X.
“…Often relatives and members of the larger network of kinship were favoured (cf. Willems, : 9).For example, I have worked for 6 years in a metal workshop; I did my job even without receiving one penny. You work for free.…”
Section: Class Considerations Around Workmentioning
In the shattered economy of Dakar, many young men feel stuck in prolonged bachelorhood. Handed‐down role expectations can often not be met due to dire economic prospects. Drawing on fieldwork in Pikine, an urban area within the Dakar region of Senegal, between 2011 and 2013, this article reflects upon the relation between risk, migration, social class and masculinity. Through migration to unknown destinations and by enduring the many challenges and hardships associated with it, in the hope of eventually reaching a higher social class upon return, young men wish to fix and rewrite their masculine identities. To pursue this aim even the oddest job in Europe becomes acceptable. At home, however, many work opportunities are considered to be beneath their social class. Most male urbanites seek jobs that are rewarded with respect and authority, and often assemble their choices about pursuing certain income‐generating activities considering notions of class.
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