Locality and variation in Finnish structural case

Anttila, Artο; Kim, Jong-Bok

doi:10.1007/s11049-016-9352-x

Cited by 6 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Finally, both the agreement and polarity effects are nonlocal. This is an uncontroversial feature of the Finnish case system (for recent work, see Vainikka & Brattico 2014;Anttila & Kim 2017). Example (10) shows how the main clause agreement affects direct object case forms inside an infinitival complement clause a.…”

Section: Pekka Washed[+asp] Horse-acc(n)mentioning

confidence: 95%

“…Special complex constructions exhibiting labile case alternations where both the zero-accusative and n-accusative are possible were excluded from the dataset. See (Anttila & Kim 2017). Some predicative copular sentences were tested but the examination was not systematic due to the controversial and to me still unclear nature of this class.…”

Section: Dataset (Test Corpus)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Finnish structural case assignment has evoked a considerable amount of controversy in the linguistic literature. The most interesting features of the system are its nonlocal dependencies (Ikola 1950, 1986, 1989; Linden 1956; Wiik 1972; Itkonen 1976, 1977; Toivonen 1995; Brattico 2009, 2012, 2014; Vainikka & Brattico 2014; Anttila & Kim 2017), sensitivity to agreement, aspect and polarity in addition to syntactic position (Timberlake 1975; Carlson 1981; Vainikka 1988, 1989; Reime 1993; Heinämäki 1984, 1994; Kiparsky 1998, 2001; Nelson 1998; Megerdoomian 2000, 2008; Csirmaz 2005, 2012; Anttila & Kim 2011; Huumo 2013; Brattico 2020b), adverbial case marking (Maling 1993; Anttila & Kim 2011) and layered case assignment and case competition (Nelson 1998; Brattico 2010, 2011). Moreover, Finnish exhibits at least fifteen different case forms, with four separate structural case forms alone.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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STRUCTURAL CASE ASSIGNMENT, THEMATIC ROLES AND INFORMATION STRUCTURE^*

Brattico

2022

Studia Linguistica

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A formal model is presented which deduces the structural case assignment profile of Finnish by relying on graph‐theoretical paths and intervention. More complex and controversial features such as nonlocal dependencies, adverbial case marking, case competition, DP‐internal case patterns and interaction of case with agreement, aspect and polarity are also calculated from the model. Abstract Case and case concord were eliminated. The model links case assignment with word order, thematic roles and information structure. The results suggest that case might play a role in language comprehension.

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Section: Pekka Washed[+asp] Horse-acc(n)mentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: Dataset (Test Corpus)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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STRUCTURAL CASE ASSIGNMENT, THEMATIC ROLES AND INFORMATION STRUCTURE^*

Brattico

2022

Studia Linguistica

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“…passives in 3c and imperatives in 3d), the patient noun is nominative (e.g. Timberlake 1974, Maling 1993, Kiparsky 2001, Holmberg 2010 Thus, the zero person syntactically realized and patterns like overt arguments for purposes of case assignment (see also Anttila & Kim 2017, Poole 2015a. on case in Finnish).…”

Section: Finnish Generic 'Zero Person': Syntactic Propertiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Word order patterns in generic ‘zero person’ constructions in Finnish: Insights from speech-act participants

Kaiser

2019

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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I suggest that seemingly puzzling word-order properties of the Finnish generic zero person construction can be explained if we acknowledge the relevance of speech-act participants (speaker/addressee) for the Finnish version of the EPP. Building on work by Moltmann (2006Moltmann ( , 2010 on generic one as well as Malamud's work (2012) on the features of one and you, I identify two different kinds of zero person constructions in Finnish, suggest evidence that the two kinds of zeros differ in their featural properties, and propose a refinement to the topicality-based EPP in Finnish that can be used to explain unexpected word order patterns of the zero person construction. This work draws new connections between reference to speechact participants (in particular speaker-related meaning) and word order constraints.

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Improper case

Poole

2022

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper argues that case assignment is impossible in configurations that parallel generalized improper-movement configurations. Thus, like improper movement, there is “improper case.” The empirical motivation comes from (i) the interaction between case and movement and (ii) crossclausal case assignment in Finnish. I propose that improper case is ruled out by the Ban on Improper Case: a DP in [Spec, XP] cannot establish a dependent-case relationship with a lower DP across YP if Y is higher than X in the functional sequence. I show that this constraint falls under a strong version of the Williams Cycle (Williams 1974, 2003, 2013; van Riemsdijk and Williams 1981) and is derived under Williams’s (2003, 2013) analysis of embedding.

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Locality and variation in Finnish structural case

Cited by 6 publications

References 47 publications

STRUCTURAL CASE ASSIGNMENT, THEMATIC ROLES AND INFORMATION STRUCTURE^*

STRUCTURAL CASE ASSIGNMENT, THEMATIC ROLES AND INFORMATION STRUCTURE^*

Word order patterns in generic ‘zero person’ constructions in Finnish: Insights from speech-act participants

Improper case

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Locality and variation in Finnish structural case

Cited by 6 publications

References 47 publications

STRUCTURAL CASE ASSIGNMENT, THEMATIC ROLES AND INFORMATION STRUCTURE*

STRUCTURAL CASE ASSIGNMENT, THEMATIC ROLES AND INFORMATION STRUCTURE*

Word order patterns in generic ‘zero person’ constructions in Finnish: Insights from speech-act participants

Improper case

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Resources

About

STRUCTURAL CASE ASSIGNMENT, THEMATIC ROLES AND INFORMATION STRUCTURE^*

STRUCTURAL CASE ASSIGNMENT, THEMATIC ROLES AND INFORMATION STRUCTURE^*