Locality, Mobility and Governmentality in Colonial/Postcolonial <scp>N</scp>ew <scp>C</scp>aledonia: The case of the Kouare tribe (<i>xûâ Xârâgwii</i>), <scp>T</scp>hio (<i>Cöö</i>)

Meur, Pierre‐Yves Le

doi:10.1002/ocea.5009

Cited by 5 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…In 2002, the Declaration on the natural and cultural heritage of Kanaky argued that royalties should be calculated on the basis of the extracted ton and paid to the ‘mining chieftaincies' because the mining sites were located in the areas of influence of particular tribes and chieftaincies (Demmer 2007; Levacher 2017). Also, the development of claims regarding nickel mining and deposits seems to express a shift in the ways customary property can be recognized without claiming legal entitlement (Le Meur 2013, 2021). For instance, before the construction of the KNS project in the north of the country, an agreement was signed which recognized the ‘customary area of influence’ as ‘an area over which one or more clans exercise customary land rights concurrently with the rights legally established by title’ 19 .…”

Section: Local‐level Politics and The Mine‐sovereignty Nexusmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It found its source in the financial model of the Koniambo project and other SMSP mining projects in which SMSP and North Province hold 51% of the shares. 15 The political process bore the hallmark of resource nationalism (Bouard et al 2016;Burton and Levacher 2021;Le Meur 2017a;Wilson 2015). It displays the three core elements of nationalist policy regimes identified by Wilson (2015:401): the public ownership of mining industries (public equity), the encouragement of certain corporate behaviours to the benefit of local consumers (for instance good environmental practices) and the partial capture of mining revenues for public purposes.…”

Section: Full Sovereignty and Internal Sovereignty Contemporary Disco...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…and observations of events including mining commissions, customary meetings, and demonstrations. The main investigation sites were Thio (Le Meur 2013, 2017b) and Yaté/Mont‐Dore (Levacher 2016b, 2017), both located in the South Province (Fig. 1).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Mining and Competing Sovereignties in New Caledonia

Meur

Levacher

2022

Oceania

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Mining, especially nickel mining, has a long history in New Caledonia and cannot be separated from the trajectory of this territory as a settler colony. However, the construction of mining as a political stake and resource in the New Caledonian public arenas has come surprisingly late, only emerging explicitly in the 1990s as pro‐independence parties pushed the issue to the fore in their negotiations with the French state and anti‐independence parties. Nickel mining and processing became part of the claim for sovereignty in the form of a ‘resource nationalism’ discourse. This paper discusses the multi‐layered nature of sovereignty through the theoretical propositions of Richard Joyce on ‘competing sovereignties’ (2013) to illustrate both the complexities of a decolonization situation that has lasted for 20 years and the challenges posed to sovereignty by mining.

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Section: Local‐level Politics and The Mine‐sovereignty Nexusmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Full Sovereignty and Internal Sovereignty Contemporary Disco...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Mining and Competing Sovereignties in New Caledonia

Meur

Levacher

2022

Oceania

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“…These are reminiscent of other strikes and blockades against SLN caused by multiple grievances. 49 SLN is proposing new bores to supply drinking water if other arguments about land access and control can be resolved. Water has become an emblem of the larger sense of disenfranchisement and loss of economic development; like access to land, access to clean water is a source of socio-political struggle, not only a health and sanitation issue.…”

Section: Mining Benefits and Environmental Damage In Poummentioning

confidence: 99%

Contested sites, land claims and economic development in Poum, New Caledonia

Kowasch

Batterbury

Neumann

2015

Settler Colonial Studies

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Property relations are often ambiguous in postcolonial settings. Property is only considered as such if socially legitimate institutions sanction it. In indigenous communities, access to natural resources is frequently multidimensional and overlapping, subject to conflict and negotiation in a 'social arena'. Settler arrivals and new economic possibilities challenge these norms and extend the arena. The article analyses conflicts and negotiations in the French overseas territory of New Caledonia in the light of its unique settler history and economic activity, focussing on the little-studied remote northern district of Poum on the Caledonian main island Grande Terre. In this region the descendants of British fishermen intermarried with the majority Kanak clans. We illustrate the interaction between customary conflicts, European settlement, struggles for independence, and a desire for economic development. Customary claims are in tension with the attractions of economic growth and service delivery, which has been slow in coming to Poum for reasons largely outside the control of local people.

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Bibliographie

Gay¹

2014

La Nouvelle-Calédonie, Un Destin Peu Commun

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Loïc Wacquant, un des plus brillants sociologues français, professeur à Berkeley et spécialiste des processus de relégation urbaine, notamment l'hyper-ghettoïsation des Africains-Américains aux États-Unis, a récemment évoqué ces deux années de service civil au centre ORSTOM de Nouméa au milieu des années 1980 dans les Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales. Son analyse de la Nouvelle-Calédonie est féroce et force le trait quand il dit qu'il a « vécu et travaillé dans une société coloniale très brutale et très archaïque : la Nouvelle-Calédonie dans les années 1980 était une colonie de type fin du XIX e siècle qui avait survécu, quasi intacte, à la fin du XX e » 1 mais peut se comprendre par l'exacerbation des tensions au moment où il était en Nouvelle-Calédonie et par une sorte de sidération du Métropolitain face aux clivages socio-ethniques extrêmement marqués à Nouméa encore à cette époque-là. Le mot « rééquilibrage » a légitimé le volontarisme de l'État et l'action consensuelle qui se sont mis en place après les accords de Matignon (1988) afin de répartir plus équitablement les richesses, les équipements, les pouvoirs et les aptitudes entre les communautés et les lieux. Il n'est pas facile de transformer par la simple action des pouvoirs publics, une société, qui, à partir de 1853 et pendant près de un siècle, n'a été qu'une funeste machine à produire des catégories sociales hiérarchisées et à ségréguer économiquement, statutairement et racialement. Il faut se rappeler que 2012 marque le cinquantenaire du premier bachelier kanak (Boniface Ounou), un anniversaire oublié car peu glorieux. Des parcours universitaires et professionnels prestigieux comme ceux du Martiniquais Aimé Césaire (1913-2008) ou des Guyanais Félix Eboué (1884-1944) et Gaston Monnerville (1897-1991) étaient strictement impossibles en Nouvelle-Calédonie, car entre les systèmes coloniaux des « vieilles colonies » et de la Nouvelle-Calédonie la différence était de nature et pas de degré. De surcroît, l'application du code de l'indigénat a été plus ségrégative que dans d'autres colonies quand on sait que les premiers bacheliers sénégalais et cambodgien sont respectivement diplômés dans les années 1880 et 1920.

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Locality, Mobility and Governmentality in Colonial/Postcolonial New Caledonia: The case of the Kouare tribe (xûâ Xârâgwii), Thio (Cöö)

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Cited by 5 publications

References 29 publications

Mining and Competing Sovereignties in New Caledonia

Mining and Competing Sovereignties in New Caledonia

Contested sites, land claims and economic development in Poum, New Caledonia

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