Lost in Europeanisation: The Western Balkans and Turkey

Europeanisation and conflict networks: private sector development in post-conflict Bosnia–Herzegovina

“…We seek to contribute to the debates that identify the state, or more specifically state capacity, as a critical aspect of domestic conditions mediating the transformative potential of Europeanisation in the post-Communist space (Bruszt 2002a;Börzel 2011;Börzel and Pamuk 2012;Koinova 2011;Noutcheva and Aydin-Düzgit 2012), while focusing on the impact of the conflict legacy. We approach the analysis of conflict legacy and its impact on Europeanisation by critiquing multi-sited process affecting policies, politics, and polity as dimensions of the domestic impact of the European integration process (Börzel and Risse 2003, 60, Figure 3.1;Radaelli 2003, 23, Figure 2.1).…”

“…On the one hand, domestic politics in a weak state have featured prominently in explanations of the limited transformative power of the EU in the region (Börzel 2011;Elbasani 2009;Fagan 2012;Fink-Hafner 2008;Noutcheva and Aydin-Düzgit 2012). On the other hand, as in CEE, the challenge of decoupling of formal from informal institutions in the Western Balkans has been noted (Börzel 2011, 8 -10;Elbasani 2009).…”

Pathologies of Europeanisation: Fighting Corruption in the Southern Caucasus

“…Yet they assume that those empowered are reform-minded or liberal coalitions that pressure or argue in favour of compliance with EU requirements. While veto players can still impede domestic change if they are powerful enough, students of Europeanisation have turned a blind eye to the possibility that opponents of EU reforms can also use the EU to 80 T. A. Bo¨rzel and Y. Pamuk advance their power and interest, inducing some domestic change, which, however, ultimately goes in the opposite direction to the EU's intentions (but see Elbasani 2009;Noutcheva 2009;Noutcheva and Du¨zgit 2012;Spendzharova and Vachudova 2012;van Hu¨llen 2012).…”

“…In order to capture these pathologies or 'dark side of Europeanisation' (Schimmelfennig 2007), we will conceptualise the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as a political opportunity structure that provides positive and negative incentives to both supporters and opponents of the EU's reform agenda. Which of the two ultimately gets empowered depends not only on the EU's conditionality but also on the extent to which the EU's demand for domestic institutional change fits the political survival strategy of domestic actors (Noutcheva and Du¨zgit 2012;Spendzharova and Vachudova 2012;van Hu¨llen 2012).…”

Encounters with Europe in an Era of Domestic and International Turmoil: Is Turkey a De-Europeanising Candidate Country?

“…The EU has undoubtedly been an actor worthy of analysis concerning its impacts on Turkish domestic and foreign policies, particularly between 1999 and 2005, when there was rising optimism in the relationship coupled with an intensive process of reform in Turkey. Much of the literature on EU-Turkey relations in the 2000s has thus focused on the 'Europeanisation' -defined broadly as the impact of the EU on the policies, politics, institutions, societies and discourses of EU member states and candidate countries -of Turkey in various areas such as democracy and the rule of law (Noutcheva & Aydın-Düzgit 2012;Özer 2012;Saatçioğlu 2014), civil-military relations (Sarıgil 2007;Gürsoy 2011), the fight against corruption (Yılmaz & Soyaltın 2014), minority rights (Grigoriadis 2008;Yılmaz & Soyaltın 2014), civil society (Diez, Agnantopoulos & Kaliber 2005;Rumelili 2005;Kaliber 2010), foreign policy (Aydın & Akgül-Açıkmeşe 2007;Öniş & Yılmaz 2009;Müftüler-baç & Gürsoy 2010;Jørgensen 2016), political discourses (Kaliber 2013;Alpan 2014) and various specific domestic policies. These include but are not limited to migration (Özçürümez & Şenses 2011;Aydın & Kirişçi 2013;Kaiser & Kaya 2016), employment (bölükbaşı & Ertugal 2013, social policy (Tsarouhas 2012), environmental policy (İzci 2012), competition policy (Aydın & Kirişçi 2013), gender policy (Fougner & Kurtoğlu 2016) and regional policies (Ertugal 2011;Çelenk 2016).…”