Major Power Status (In)Consistency and Political Relevance in International Relations Studies

Corbetta, Renato; Volgy, Thomas J.; Rhamey, J. Patrick

doi:10.1515/peps-2013-0046

Cited by 7 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…Huth (1998) provides evidence that major power states are more likely to intervene in crises in support of a protégé. Corbetta et al (2013) find that status considerations affect major powers’ rate of intervention in both wars and militarized disputes. All of these authors, however, only consider militarized forms of intervention.…”

Section: Joining Behavior and Intervention Techniquesmentioning

confidence: 95%

Between indifference and coercion: Third-party intervention techniques in ongoing disputes

Corbetta

2014

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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Research on third parties’ conflict management has traditionally proposed a stark dichotomy between neutral mediators and non-neutral military joiners. Recent studies have blurred this dichotomy but have not investigated joiners’ use of techniques other than military action. Using data from Corbetta and Dixon (2005) on non-neutral interventions in post-Second World War interstate disputes, this paper explores non-neutral third parties’ choice of diplomatic, economic or military intervention techniques. It hypothesizes that such a choice is a function of third parties’ intensity of preferences for one side in conflict and antagonism toward the other side, which result from social proximity to the disputants.

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Section: Joining Behavior and Intervention Techniquesmentioning

confidence: 95%

Between indifference and coercion: Third-party intervention techniques in ongoing disputes

Corbetta

2014

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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“…The implications of this research suggest that these perceptual cues regarding relative rank may dominate aspects of state behavior, such as the propensity of states to view territorial concerns as indivisible (Goddard, 2006). Additionally, simple recognition and prestigious group membership may be sufficient to pacify some states (Corbetta et al, 2012) while the failure to grant such status to a state may lead to conflict despite a favorable status quo international system (Kennedy, 1985).…”

Section: The Importance Of Status In International Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Findings suggest that states afforded greater status, given their capabilities, tend to be more pacifistic and involved in the formation of formal intergovernmental organizations, and those with significant capabilities are more likely to intervene and resolve external conflicts. On the contrary, those states with significant capabilities that are deprived of status have a far more significant propensity to engage in conflict initiation (Corbetta et al, 2012). Indeed, while much of the extant conflict literature focuses on relative capabilities and issue grievances, status has re-emerged as an important indicator of conflict behaviors (Hymans, 2002; Larson and Shevchenko, 2003; Mercer, 1996; Wohlforth, 2009).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Going for the gold: Status-seeking behavior and Olympic performance

Rhamey

Early

2013

International Area Studies Review

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State competition for international status takes a variety of forms, but most are linked to states’ related pursuits of economic and/or military power. The Olympics offer a unique venue for states to compete with one another in a forum whose consequences do not directly spill over into either realm. Instead, states compete against one another for Olympic medals—a currency with no other international political value beyond the prestige that can be obtained with them. Leveraging a theoretical framework nested in Social Identity Theory, we develop a set of hypotheses to explain how states can be attributed international status as a result of their performance in the Olympic Games and via playing host to them. Using a linear hierarchical method of analysis, we evaluate the impact of participation in the Summer Olympics on the status attributed to members of the international system from 1960 to 2012. Our findings indicate that states whose performance exceeds expectations and smaller-sized countries that play host to the Olympic Games disproportionately gain status from their participation in the sporting regime.

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“…Status is a constitutive component of social life (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990) and as such it is widely debated among scholars, including in the IR community (Corbetta et al ., 2013; Paul et al ., 2014; Ward 2017; Zhang, 2017; Duque, 2018; Baxter et al ., 2018; Renshon, 2017; Murray, 2019; Wood and Cox, 2021). Empirical evidence suggests that human beings tend to experience a basic desire for status (Anderson et al ., 2015, 593), to the point that they may strive to acquire material goods not for the security and well-being they procure, but exclusively for their status-enhancing properties (Snidal, 2002).…”

Section: Status In International Relationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

China's pursuit of international status through negotiated deference: an empirical analysis of Italy's parliamentary attitude

Andornino

2022

Riv. ital. sci. polit.

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Italy's controversial decision to sign a Memorandum of Understanding for collaboration on the Belt and Road Initiative with China in 2019 has been widely debated. This article seeks to break new ground by offering a theory-informed contribution investigating the rationale behind Beijing's own commitment in the negotiations leading to the signing of the BRI MoU. It argues that the Chinese government accepted the risks involved in the process for the sake of promoting an accelerated advancement in China's positioning in the international status hierarchy through negotiation of deference against agency with Italy. The article empirically probes the extent to which such a strategy of status enhancement on China's part is sustainable over time. Based on a content analysis of all China-related political stances expressed in ordinary non-legislative policy-setting acts tabled in both Houses of the 18th Italian Parliament, from March 2018 through to August 2021, the article suggests that China's strategy is hardly sustainable. In fact, the steady deterioration of China-related sentiment among Italian Members of Parliament as a consequence of Beijing's policies towards Hong Kong, the coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19) outbreak, and Xinjiang matches the expectations of previous scholarship on international status as it confirms that social closure mechanisms discussed in the literature prevail over foreign policy consistency when the status-seeking actor is perceived as crossing critical normative thresholds.

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Major Power Status (In)Consistency and Political Relevance in International Relations Studies

Cited by 7 publications

References 33 publications

Between indifference and coercion: Third-party intervention techniques in ongoing disputes

Between indifference and coercion: Third-party intervention techniques in ongoing disputes

Going for the gold: Status-seeking behavior and Olympic performance

China's pursuit of international status through negotiated deference: an empirical analysis of Italy's parliamentary attitude

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