Managing spoiled identities: dirty workers' struggles for a favourable sense of self

Abstract

Purpose -The purpose of this paper is to explore how a group of dirty workers, that is, exotic dancers employed in a gentlemen's club, engage in identity construction amidst various macro, meso and micro considerations.Design/methodology/approach -This study adopts a social constructivist approach in exploring the stories of a group of 21 dancers employed at a chain of exotic dancing clubs in the UK, For Your Eyes Only.Findings -Identity construction is a complex process whereby dancers struggle to secure a positive sense of self among the various resources they encounter. The findings focus upon the processes of distancing through projecting disgust upon clients, other dancers and other clubs. Dancers do this to minimize the stigma associated with their own identities and position themselves in a more favourable light to others. In doing this, dancers construct a variety of identity roles for themselves and "others." This process of distancing also results in the construction of a hierarchy of stigmatization whereby dancers categorize motivations for dancing, type of dancing and type of clubs to rationalize the work they perform and manage their spoiled identities.Practical implications -The stories of these dancers illustrate the messy nature of identity construction for dirty workers. In turn, it also illuminates how a better understanding of the complexity of identity construction for exotic dancers can offer insights transferable to other dirty work occupations and organizations in general.Originality/value -The paper provides an indepth look at an occupational site that is relatively unexplored in organization studies and thus makes a unique empirical contribution. It also offers a more comprehensive theoretical lens for understanding identity construction and dirty workers.

‘Lower than a Snake’s Belly’: Discursive Constructions of Dignity and Heroism in Low-Status Garbage Work

“…By affirming the necessity and worth of working with dirt, by reorienting our understanding of dirty work in terms of care of the environment and the vulnerable, and by constructing an inter-occupational hierarchy of stigmatisation (Grandy 2008) and an intra-occupational hierarchy of esteem, those who labour in what others see as lowstatus occupations assert a sense of value, self-worth and self-respect that has been identified as essential to workplace dignity (Hodson 2001;Bolton 2007). However, in contra-distinction to Grandy and Maven's (2014) point concerning the considerable effort often required to attain dignity, the garbage collectors did not seem to have to work hard at attaining dignity.…”

“…In hierarchical terms, garbage workers put themselves above those who were unemployed or who left the occupation because they could not cope with its physical, social and symbolic demands. In that sense, there is a stigmatisation of hierarchy (Grandy 2008) as they view themselves as less tainted and more legitimate than these others. Acknowledging that many people held them in low regard, and that the job was tainted, a common response was to stress the point that they had a job.…”

“…Second 'hierarchic esteem' wherein garbage collectors affirm differential status in relation to both outsiders and insiders. In a new contribution, we note that this construction is subtly different to 'hierarchies' observed elsewhere in so far as hierarchic esteem is not only established through the denigration of those 'below' oneself (as observed in Grandy 2008) but, also through the projection of heroic status by lower occupational members towards their occupational seniors. In this sense, 'hierarchic esteem' is often a positive ascription of status that resides in commending rather than condemning the 'other'.…”

“…There are then echoes of Grandy's (2008) hierarchy of stigma through which subjects established their relative worth. However, while the hierarchy of stigma is premised on the denigration of those 'lower down' the occupational and societal chain, hierarchic esteem offers praise to those above.…”

Emotion management as struggle in dirty work: the experiences of exotic dancers

“…Those working in stigmatised occupations are likely to confront criticism and disapproval from a variety of sources, including the general public, media, customers and even family and friends (Grandy and Mavin, 2012;Hallgrimsdottir, Phillips and Benoit, 2006;Simpson et al, 2012). As a result, identity construction for dirty workers can be particularly complex and they engage in a number of strategies to construct and negotiate boundaries to manage the stigma they experience (e.g., distancing, dividing up their social world, projecting disgust, infusing the work with positive value, building strong subcultures) (Ashforth et al, 2007;Grandy, 2008;Tracy and Trethewey, 2005). Considerable literature has explored the emotion work inherent in these noted strategies, specifically the emotional labour required by individuals employed in dirty work occupations such as prison guards (Crawley, 2004), tour reps (Guerrier and Adib, 2003), prostitutes (Sanders, 2005) and exotic dancers (Barton, 2002;Fogel and Quinlan, 2011).…”