Mapping population aging in Europe: how are similar needs in different countries met by different family structures?

Abstract

This paper focuses primarily on the demographic and social structures across Europe aiming to portray how similar needs for care of the elderly population (justified on health outcomes), are addressed in different ways across European countries. To approach this issue, we focus first on mapping the 'needs for care' -a rough measure of demand for care, and then on family structures -characterizing an institution linked with the provision or supply of care. Attention turns next to linking these aspects, focusing on the types of care provided as a response to the needs of the elderly, distinguishing between informal (defined as unpaid personal care provided by family members) and formal care (defined as paid help provided by professionals and private providers). Mapping these trends, via choropleth maps, the emerging picture suggests that the same needs for elderly care are met via different channels across European countries: Southern countries appear to rely more on informal channels of care provision, while private providers (i.e. paid care) represent the dominant pattern in the North, as well as in most of the Continental counties. This difference is mirrored by a greater involvement of formal structures linked to the Welfare State as one goes further North; indeed the twofamily ties and Welfare State involvement -proceed in parallel.

Informal support in Portugal by individuals aged 50+

“…(10.8 %). This result confirms our first hypothesis of a high prevalence of co-residential care in Portugal. This situation is paralleled to some extent in other Southern European countries, where caregiving is also seen as a family responsibility (Igel et al 2009;Lyberaki et al 2013). The macro-economic circumstances, with particular emphasis on the economic downturn and the lack of formal support structures for older citizens, on the one hand, and the difficult socio-economic circumstances of a significant number of the population, on the other hand, favour coresidential over extra-residential care (Sarasa and Mestres 2005;Isengard and Szydlik 2012).…”

“…have poorer health than their counterparts in Northern and Western countries (Eriksen et al 2013), which tends to mean an increased need for care in the former countries. Recent studies show that, in Southern Europe, the needs of older people are addressed essentially by informal networks, whilst in Northern countries, they tend to be met by formal providers (Lyberaki et al 2013). Scientific studies also show that informal support has different characteristics across European countries.…”

The Gender Informal Care Gap

“…The threshold value discriminating between 'mostly out' and 'mostly in' is 0.44. This distribution is largely in line with literature on levels of care needs measured in particular in prevalence of chronic illnesses in old age (Lyberaki et al 2013). Only the Eastern European countries score differently in our estimation which can be explained by particular cohort flows in this region (Botev 2012).…”

Implementing research in the social sciences with spatial data and ‘Not-So-New’ issues to watch out for

“…In a more prospective view, Pueyo and colleagues (2013) present maps of population potential across the nations of France and Spain. Also on the European continent, Lyberaki, Platon, Mimis, and Georgiadis (2013) and Mejia-Dorentes and Martin-Ramos (2013) have produced maps with an interest in the demographic processes of aging (former) and mobility (latter). Lyberaki and colleagues (2013) map the aging population across Europe with a focus on household structure variations that are influencing the ways aging is affecting societies differently in different national (and sometimes sub-national) contexts.…”