Markedness reduction

Lacy, Paul de

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511486388.004

Cited by 22 publications

(47 citation statements)

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“…Accounting for (37) requires two additions. I claim that a low templatic epenthetic vowel [aː] surfaces in (37a) (rather than a high vowel [iː] as in (39a)) due to the preference for stressed vowels to be more sonorous (de Lacy 2002). Since this stressed vowel is epenthetic, it can assume the least marked quality for a stressed vowel: [a], the most sonorous vowel 11…”

Section: Analysis Of Templatesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Templates as the interaction of recursive word structure and prosodic well-formedness

Guekguezian

2017

Phonology

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Templatic morphology involves the appearance of a fixed shape on a morpheme in a specific morphological context. This paper makes two claims: the morphological context of a template is syntactically cyclic, resulting in recursive prosodic word structure, and the shape of a template results from prosodic well-formedness conditions on the internal prosodic word. Templatic morphology in Chukchansi Yokuts illustrates these claims: affixes that trigger templates transfer the root to the phonology before other material is transferred, so that the root forms a prosodic word which is internal to the whole word. Roots with one underlying vowel are augmented to meet a disyllabic minimality requirement on prosodic words; the resulting disyllable forms a light–heavy iamb, to optimally satisfy Chukchansi parsing requirements. Templatic morphology falls out from the predictable interaction of the syntax–phonology interface and general phonological properties of a language, and needs no special apparatus or diacritics.

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Section: Analysis Of Templatesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Templates as the interaction of recursive word structure and prosodic well-formedness

Guekguezian

2017

Phonology

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“…In addition, velars and labials can trigger assimilation of preceding consonants, while coronals systematically fail to do so. This property of Korean place assimilation has received considerable attention in recent phonological literature, and is often interpreted as evidence for the relative markedness of places of articulation: dorsal>labial>coronal (Jun 1995, de Lacy 2002; but see Rice 1999, Hume 2003).…”

Section: Korean Place Assimilation: Background and Predictionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonetic variability and grammatical knowledge: an articulatory study of Korean place assimilation

Kochetov

Pouplier

2008

Phonology

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The study reported here uses articulatory data to investigate Korean place assimilation of coronal stops followed by labial or velar stops, both within words and across words. The results show that this place-assimilation process is highly variable, both within and across speakers, and is also sensitive to factors such as the place of articulation of the following consonant, the presence of a word boundary and, to some extent, speech rate. Gestures affected by the process are generally reduced categorically (deleted), while sporadic gradient reduction of gestures is also observed. We further compare the results for coronals to our previous findings on the assimilation of labials, discussing implications of the results for grammatical models of phonological/phonetic competence. The results suggest that speakers' language-particular knowledge of place assimilation has to be relatively detailed and context-sensitive, and has to encode systematic regularities about its obligatory/variable application as well as categorical/gradient realisation.

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“…On this approach, some output candidates are harmonically bounded and consequently some processes are impossible in synchronic grammars. For example, Kiparsky (2006, 2008) identifies several combinations of sound changes that would lead to final voicing, but the process is never attested (or at least is morphologically limited; see Blevins 2004, Yu 2004, de Lacy 2002). CB faces difficulties explaining this mismatch and AB is invoked to explain it (Kiparsky 2006, 2008; de Lacy & Kingston 2013).…”

Section: Implications For the Channel Bias Model Of Typologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Post-nasal devoicing and the blurring process

Beguš

2018

J. Ling.

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This paper addresses one of the most contested issues in phonology: unnatural alternations. First, non-natural phonological processes are subdivided into unmotivated and unnatural. The central topic of the paper is an unnatural process: post-nasal devoicing (PND). I collect thirteen cases of PND and argue that in all reported cases, PND does not derive from a single unnatural sound change (as claimed in some individual accounts of the data), but rather from a combination of three sound changes, each of which is phonetically motivated. I present new evidence showing that the three stages are directly historically attested in the pre-history of Yaghnobi. Based on several discussed cases, I propose a new diachronic model for explaining unnatural phenomena called the Blurring Process and point to its advantages over competing approaches (hypercorrection, perceptual enhancement, and phonetic motivation). The Blurring Process establishes general diachronic conditions for unnatural synchronic processes and can be employed to explain unnatural processes beyond PND. Additionally, I provide a proof establishing the minimal sound changes required for an unmotivated/unnatural alternation to arise. The Blurring Process and Minimal Sound Change Requirement have implications for models of typology within the Channel Bias approach. This paper thus presents a first step toward the ultimate goal of quantifying the influences of Channel Bias on phonological typology.

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Markedness reduction

Cited by 22 publications

References 0 publications

Templates as the interaction of recursive word structure and prosodic well-formedness

Templates as the interaction of recursive word structure and prosodic well-formedness

Phonetic variability and grammatical knowledge: an articulatory study of Korean place assimilation

Post-nasal devoicing and the blurring process

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