The questions that social scientists ask concerning the meaning of work can be initially separated into what work wants from us and what we want from it. The former relies on identifying recurrent objective trends in how we are managed and rewarded, the kinds of jobs that are being created and the challenges they do or do not offer, and how secure or precarious they are. The latter tends to focus on subjective measures of satisfaction, (dis)engagement, attachment and identity. Both are highly contested in academic research and public discourse.Not so long ago there was considerable optimism about emergent work trends in post-industrial service or knowledge economies, with its symbolic analysts, self-programmable workers, creative class and immaterial labour. At the same time, we hear repeatedly about the growth of zero hour contracts, stagnant or declining real wages, rising levels of work stress and punitive performance regimes. Tech giants such as Amazon are embarrassed by exposures of 'bruising' work cultures at its offices and warehouses. Meanwhile, pessimistic discourses of a 'crisis of work' are predicated not just on gloomy forecast about a new wave of automation, but of a generalised precariousness and proliferation of 'bullshit jobs ' (Srnicek and Williams 2015;Mason 2015).What about the subjective side? As we illustrate in a later section, there seems to be some support for prognoses in reports of falling employee engagement levels and rising cynicism at work.However, survey research still picks up high levels of employee self-reported satisfaction with their work. For all the talk of the end of work society or identity, employees, even in routine jobs, draw satisfaction from aspects of their work such as social interaction with customers and workmates (Kalleberg 2009;Doherty 2009). Female workers' satisfaction levels are higher than men's despite unequal treatment (Bolton and Houlihan 2009), with Hochschild (1997) reporting that some employees, especially women, are choosing longer hours because they 'love their work'.
2How do we explain these apparent paradoxes? Research questions are not random. We have to choose what, who and where to study. One distorting factor is that social theory frames our understanding of work trends, yet such theorising frequently gains prominence through the promotion of novelty or binary opposition between the old or new rather than more grounded, qualified accounts. One aspect of this is the identification of 'exemplary' industries -in the recent period web design or games -that supposedly lead economic and workplace change. There are indeed some very interesting developments, but there is a certain amount of digital delusion in the view that they tell us much about typical trends. Though games is a multi-billion dollar industry, it employs fewer than 10,000 people in development in the UK. Glasgow City Council alone has 20,000 employees. Supermarkets and care services, with their mostly female, low paid workforces, are amongst the largest job growth sectors in many cou...