2009
DOI: 10.1080/15544770802367796
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Masculinized or Marginalized: Decentralization and Women's Status in Regional Polish Institutions

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Cited by 19 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…More recently, analysts have claimed that decentralizationparticularly in combination with democratic reformspromotes or has the potential to promote women's political advancement (Bryld 2001;Budianta 2006;Rincker 2009). According to such accounts, devolving power and resources to local politicians can be expected to improve both women's political participation and representation.…”
Section: Women's Political Advancement Through Political Reformsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…More recently, analysts have claimed that decentralizationparticularly in combination with democratic reformspromotes or has the potential to promote women's political advancement (Bryld 2001;Budianta 2006;Rincker 2009). According to such accounts, devolving power and resources to local politicians can be expected to improve both women's political participation and representation.…”
Section: Women's Political Advancement Through Political Reformsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Empirical research demonstrates some of these disadvantages. Polish women in regional legislatures face a choice of downplaying feminist attitudes to fit in with male leadership or being sidelined as feminist extremists (Rincker 2009) and, in Finland, a ''gender equality illusion'' incorrectly associated the high number of women in elected politics with the accomplishment of gender policy (Holli and Kantola 2007, 97). Parry finds that state WPAs in the United States lack resources and commitment by state officials (2005), and meso-level WPAs, even those under leftist governments, are constrained in assisting women's movements ''in the neoliberal context of state restructuring'' (Sauer 2003), which Teghtsoonian and Chappell confirm has occurred in Canada and Australia (2008).…”
Section: Disadvantages Of Meso-level Institutions For Women Citizensmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…But women's numbers remain low, around 10-15 percent, in Podkarpackie, Lubuskie and Świe tokrzyskie (see Supplementary Appendix). Polish women also face masculine gendered regional legislatures in which male legislators view female legislators, and female legislators view themselves, as political outsiders (Rincker 2009). National and regional women's policy agencies emerged in the last decade, but their lack of institutionalization undercuts potential for women's representation.…”
Section: Polandmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Firstly, women might be less likely to win seats at the lower echelons because of the lower proportion of seats won by left-wing parties. Previous research finds that the strength of left-wing parties has a beneficial impact on the level of women's representation at the national (Caul 1999) as well as at the local level (Lijphart 1999;Rincker 2009;Sundström and Stockemer 2015) or the European Parliament (Lühiste and Kenny 2016; Fortin-Rittberger and Rittberger 2015). Social democrats, socialist and green parties are predisposed to promote female candidacies as it is their explicit aim to represent all societal groups (Caul 1999;Jenson 1995;Krook and Childs 2010).…”
Section: The Missing Link: Inter-level Variation Of Party Systemsmentioning
confidence: 99%