Mass Violence and the Recognition of Kosovo: Suffering and Recognition

Roseberry, Philippe

doi:10.1080/09668136.2013.792449

Cited by 3 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…The independence and international recognition of South Sudan in 2011 and Kosovo in 2008 have been considered exemplified cases of remedial secession theory (Rodt & Wolff, 2015;Bereketeab, 2015). Roseberry (2013) has done notable work in providing insights into the categorization of instances of mass political violence and its implications on the ethics of secession using the independence and international recognition of Kosovo as a case study. Roseberry argues that the use of the remedial theory of secession to justify the international community'spartial recognition of Kosovo's independence based on the Kosovo Albanians' collective status as victims of ethnic cleansing perpetrated by Serb forces has enabled the international community to minimize the risk of further unilateral declarations of independence by aggrieved groups or minorities in vulnerable multi-ethnic states.…”

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Kosovo case has been used to reinforce the linkage between prolonged mass violence, human rights violations, humanitarian intervention and secession coupled with postulations of remedial right only theory. Roseberry (2013) argues that mass violence against independence-seeking groups has profound impacts not only on the group status of victims and their prospects of gaining independence and recognition but also on powerful international actors' decisions on the ground on which such secessionist groups would be recognized. The use of remedial secession based on mass violence against Albanian Kosovo as a justification for the international recognition afforded to Kosovo, as well as its rightfulness of independence, instantiated the efficacy of mass violence towards the success of secessionist movements.…”

Section: Rights and Cases Of Self Determinationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The limited successes from struggles for external self-determination outside the context of decolonization have remained to be exceptions rather than the rule, such as the independence and recognition of Kosovo, which has illustratively remained a notable exemplification of remedial secession theory (Rodt & Wolff, 2015). Roseberry (2013) analyzed the eligibility of mass violence as a contentious act affording a certain status to the victimized group citing the international recognition of Kosovo's independence in 2008 as an example to instantiate the potency of normative theories of remedial secession and the theory of suffering. However, both remedial theory and the notion of supervised independence have been unable to establish a universally applicable rule under international law, but they have been able to broaden options for self-determination movements and the international community's recognition (Rodt & Wolff, 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Suggestible Consequences of Militarizing Self-Determination Movements in Nigeria: A Case Study of Yoruba Separatist Movement

Oluyemi¹

2022

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Nigeria, as one of the ethnically heterogeneous African states, has been historically confronted with ethnic conflicts and movements for self-determination, which are often followed by the state’s deployment of military armed forces to suppress them. This article uses a deductive thematic analysis of qualitative data obtained from a created Google form, a free online survey link with self-constructed questions to find out the prospect of the Nigerian government deploying military armed forces to suppress the ongoing Yoruba separatist movements as well as suggestible consequences of such militarization. The result unveils a higher prospect of the government militarizing the movement with the outbreak of mass violence as a suggestible outcome. With the theoretical review of the Remedial Theory of self-determination and the exploration of cases of self-determination in post-colonial African states, the article concludes that the possible eruption of mass violence leading to human rights violations and international interventions might result in the dissolution of Nigeria.

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Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Rights and Cases Of Self Determinationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Suggestible Consequences of Militarizing Self-Determination Movements in Nigeria: A Case Study of Yoruba Separatist Movement

Oluyemi¹

2022

jhsss

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“…Since almost half of the states (98) recognized Kosovo' s independence, it did send a message that secession is neither impossible nor prohibitively costly. It also clearly advanced the cause of remedial self-determination via secession in the face of ethnic cleansing and other human rights abuses (Rosenberry 2013).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

A tale of two independence movements: how do citizens encounter issues of international law and democratic theory?

Levintova

2017

Natl. pap.

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Foreign policy events, including secessionism and independence movements, become objectified for most citizens through media coverage. Accordingly, I look at the coverage of Kosovo's and Scotland's bids for independence in the two top national newspapers,The New York TimesandThe Washington Post.Scholarship in international law, democratic theory, and comparative politics might have valuable insights on independence processes, but it is the media frames inspired by these strands of theoretical literature that shape public opinion and/or reflect policy-makers’ preferences (and biases) in the foreign policy arena. I find that print media can engage in theoretically sophisticated coverage of secessionist movements, which often echoes scholarly insights derived from the relevant academic literature. The two European case studies show consistent application of tropes and frames that one would find in the academic publications on the subject. Yet these cases also illustrate profound differences in media framing not reducible to objective legal and political differences between the two events. US foreign policy considerations also appear to play a role in explaining variance in media frames.

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“…Due to deficiency of classic constitutive and declaratory theories, the legal scholars attempt to synthesize both of them (although unsuccessfully) or simply create a new "theological" theories providing additional normative frameworks for recognition, such as duty of non-recognition (Shaw, 2008, p. 468), requirement for new entity to comply with principle of self-determination; meet human rights, rule of law standards 2 ; norm of non-recognition of unilateral secession (Roseberry, 2013;Fabry, 2012); sanction theory of recognition (Berlin, 2009), Manhattan school recognition theory (Downer, 2013), etc. Fabry (2010 refers to such legal scholars as "imposing their own unsubstantiated theories on a record of practice".…”

Section: Deficiencies In the Legalistic Viewmentioning

confidence: 99%

International Recognition and Its Implications for the Statehood

Vezbergaite¹

2015

IRD

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State recognition is perhaps one of the oldest practices in international relations. While recognition is one of the most vexed concepts in international law that has been extensively analyzed and debated, the topic has been traditionally understudied in International Relations (IR). IR scholars find the recognition as tedious topic, because these scholars see states as self-constituted and self-contained bodies-states are a matter of fact and thus state sovereignty (statehood) is a matter of fact. In this paper, we suggest that relationship between recognition and statehood is more complicated than current legal or IR theories hold and we submit that international recognition is one of the constituents of statehood. This proposition challenges to current theoretical models, as it suggests that statehood is actually a creation of international politics rather than a mere fact on ground. The paper reviews the legal and IR perspectives on recognition of states, including reasons for granting recognition/non-recognition and consequences of recognition to the statehood. We develop critique over the current approach of IR and legal theories. While legal theorists painstakingly attempt to isolate "law of recognition" from politics and unsuccessfully attempt to build the normative framework that is universally applicable for all situations, the IR theories fail to grasp the process of state-birth and the role of recognition to the statehood of an entity. We submit that recognition is a political act that has hardly to do with any legal norms. However, recognition is a crucial tool in the system of states where the recognition of an entity by critical mass of states results into that entity"s entry into the system as a state.

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Mass Violence and the Recognition of Kosovo: Suffering and Recognition

Cited by 3 publications

References 27 publications

Suggestible Consequences of Militarizing Self-Determination Movements in Nigeria: A Case Study of Yoruba Separatist Movement

Suggestible Consequences of Militarizing Self-Determination Movements in Nigeria: A Case Study of Yoruba Separatist Movement

A tale of two independence movements: how do citizens encounter issues of international law and democratic theory?

International Recognition and Its Implications for the Statehood

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