emerging across Europe. Informal settlements, where refugees experience 'violent abandonment' of host states (Davies et al 2015:93). Settlements existing outside of formal refugee camps have become an integral part of refugee journeys, but also form a focal point for host states' surveillance and regulatory practices directed at refugees. Whereas formal camps in transit countries act as 'stations' and 'stop over points' on migratory routes to Western and Northern Europe (Tsianos and Karakayali 2010:384), but they produce rationalities and effects which have a direct bearing on the refugees' presence in (or removal from) urban areas, as this paper discusses. This paper examines the urban and spatial politics of refugee journeys through transit countries; specifically, it considers the relationship between urban spaces adapted and used by refugees and solidarity activists, and the biopolitical rationalities of neoliberalism, the state and the EU border regimes. I argue that, for transit states along migratory routes, refugees in urban and public spaces play two converging roles: first, they are seen as bodies occupying commercial areas and second, they are subjects of migration and asylum policies, and as such are subjected to constant intervention, scrutiny, counting and management. I argue that the refugees' dual roles, as 'disruptors' of commercial development and migratory subjects, mean that state authorities are keen to not only push them away from public spaces, but also push them towards camps, for which national governments of transit countries receive EU funding. This differentiates refugee populations from other marginalised groups, such as the homeless: there are no comparable spaces designated for other urban 'undesirables' especially none which are funded by external/international actors. This is especially the case in migratory transit countries such as in South Eastern Europe, where the underdeveloped welfare sectors have poor provision for homelessness and other types of social marginalisation, but where conversely, refugee accommodation is relatively well funded by external actors such as the EU. Using Belgrade as a case study, I show how the state's commercial interests in the city centre property development became intertwined with its implementation of asylum policies requiring all refugees to reside in official, state-run camps, subsequently resulting in constant surveillance, conduct and regulation of refugee bodies in urban areas. The surveillance and regulation of refugee bodies are, in turn, carried out by a constellation of actors at state, city and municipal levels, and includes property developers, business owners, local residents, migration workers and the police. The constellation of actors often engages in seemingly banal practices restricting the use of public space, such as evictions, putting up fences, and demolitions of informal settlements, which are intended to encourage refugees to register themselves for residence in official camps. Refugees in urban areas are attended to by ...