“…In Poland, only 70% women born in 1979 are projected to receive a pension greater than or equal to the minimum pension amount, and of the 30% who are projected to receive less than this amount, less than one third would meet the eligibility conditions (20 years) for this minimum amount (International Social Security Association, 2012a). Chile's privatisation reform introduced a 20-year vesting period for both sexes for the minimum pension, a requirement that an estimated 75% of women would not meet, and in consequence, a 2008 reform (effective 2012) subsequently eliminated this vesting period and significantly strengthened the solidarity pillar (Staab, 2012;Yáñez, 2010). El Salvador, as part of the privatisation of its pension system in 1996, increased the service requirements for a minimum pension from 10 to 25 years (Mesa-Lago, 2013), a largely unachievable target for most women, given a normal retirement age of 55 and the high proportion of women in the informal sector.…”
Section: Changes In Eligibility Requirementsmentioning
Assessing whether retirement systems meet their varying objectives requires analysing outcomes across different categories of beneficiaries with different working, financial, demographic, and family situations. Policymakers should therefore assess systems on the distribution of outcomes rather than average outcomes.Much has been written about the gender inequalities inherent in labour markets and how these are reflected and reproduced in pension systems, and there is growing evidence that recent reforms have exacerbated these trends.
“…In Poland, only 70% women born in 1979 are projected to receive a pension greater than or equal to the minimum pension amount, and of the 30% who are projected to receive less than this amount, less than one third would meet the eligibility conditions (20 years) for this minimum amount (International Social Security Association, 2012a). Chile's privatisation reform introduced a 20-year vesting period for both sexes for the minimum pension, a requirement that an estimated 75% of women would not meet, and in consequence, a 2008 reform (effective 2012) subsequently eliminated this vesting period and significantly strengthened the solidarity pillar (Staab, 2012;Yáñez, 2010). El Salvador, as part of the privatisation of its pension system in 1996, increased the service requirements for a minimum pension from 10 to 25 years (Mesa-Lago, 2013), a largely unachievable target for most women, given a normal retirement age of 55 and the high proportion of women in the informal sector.…”
Section: Changes In Eligibility Requirementsmentioning
Assessing whether retirement systems meet their varying objectives requires analysing outcomes across different categories of beneficiaries with different working, financial, demographic, and family situations. Policymakers should therefore assess systems on the distribution of outcomes rather than average outcomes.Much has been written about the gender inequalities inherent in labour markets and how these are reflected and reproduced in pension systems, and there is growing evidence that recent reforms have exacerbated these trends.
“…Desde la perspectiva de género, distintos investigadores califican al modelo chileno de bienestar de conservador y familiarista, de organización tradicional con jefatura masculina fuerte, con un patrón que va del tipo maternalista liberal al maternalismo público caracterizado por un progresivo protagonismo de la esfera estatal (Giménez, 2003;Sunkel, 2007;Staab, 2014). Uruguay, por su parte, es una variante débil del patrón tradicional de jefatura masculina, aunque en su interior conviven diversas formas de producción y gestión de cuidados, estratificados en función del estatus socioeconómico (Filgueira, Gutiérrez & Papadópulos, 2011).…”
Section: Los Casos: Chile Y Uruguayunclassified
“…La obligatoriedad de la educación inicial para niños de 4-5 años en ambos países muestra más bien que se les quiere ofrecer mejores oportunidades educativas por sobre una redistribución de labores de cuidados. Este se explicaría para Chile, según Staab (2014), por la herencia maternalista del régimen de bienestar que no termina de superar el patrón tradicional que subyace en esas políticas. Pero aunque esto persista, también se observa una interacción positiva entre una política de ampliación de oportunidades educativas y procesos de desfamiliarización de los cuidados.…”
Resumen Este artículo compara el régimen de cuidados en infancia de Chile y Uruguay desde un enfoque institucional. Para ello se revisan tres instrumentos de políticas de cuidados: servicios de cuidados a niños de 0-5 años, trabajo doméstico remunerado, y permisos y dinero que se otorgan para cuidar a recién nacidos. Como método se ha seguido el análisis comparativo internacional de países, utilizando diversas fuentes de información y datos. Los resultados muestran que en ambos países persiste una mezcla de perfiles de familiarismo y desfamiliarismo, al igual que varios tipos de equidad socioeconómica y de género, dependiendo del instrumento de política de cuidado que se estudie.
“…In women's claims‐making well into recent decades: motherhood became the very basis on which women staked their claims to citizenship rights and states deployed their efforts to mobilize female constituencies. At the heart of this ‘civic maternalism’ was the belief that women – and in particular their biological and social function as mothers – had to be recognized, valued, and protected (Staab : 303)…”
Section: Embedding Maternalism and Neo‐colonialism In The Peruvian Jumentioning
Social policy prescriptions for Latin America have shifted significantly over recent decades. This article tracks a process by which a conditional cash transfer (CCT) to mothers, begun in a Mexican programme with some pretensions to promoting gender equality, was standardized by international organizations, becoming a policy instrument characterized by gender sensitivity, but having little attention to equality. In addition to involving certification by international organizations, this standardization process framed the CCT as an instrument of social investment and was a decontextualization of the Mexican version that had been influenced by Beijing‐style international feminism. The third phase of this trajectory was take‐up of the standard model by Peruvian policymakers and employees of the Juntos programme who overlaid their long‐standing representations of their indigenous clientele onto a supposedly ‘modern’ social policy instrument, thereby rendering it both maternalist and neo‐colonial.
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