Mauritius: The Not So Perfect Democracy

Kasenally, Roukaya

doi:10.20940/jae/2011/v10i1a2

Cited by 16 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…, 2016), such a bi-directional relationship might be an indication that government may prefer to invest in companies with lower transparency to ease unethical transactions in these government-owned entities. This appears to be flagrant in the Mauritian context as successive governments have been practising a culture of impunity, where numerous cases of mismanagement and wastage of public funds go unpunished and worse, those at the source of problems still manage key institutions (Kasenally, 2011). The results also indicate that the government is more likely to invest in companies with small board sizes and a small proportion of cross-directorship.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Political parties in Mauritius systematically nominate connected persons at the top of public bodies. In most cases, these political nominees may need to gain a basic understanding to manage these complex institutions (Kasenally, 2011). Therefore, directors nominated on boards of these companies cannot uphold the vision of the government to make companies more socially responsible and, at the same time, champion transparency by pushing for more disclosure of CSR.…”

Section: Interpretations Of Findingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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CSR disclosure and ownership structure: insights from a dynamic empirical framework using an emerging economy context

Ramdhony,

Gunessee,

Mooneeapen

et al. 2023

JAAR

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PurposeThis study examines the bi-directional relationship between corporate social responsibility disclosure (CSRD) and ownership structure through a dynamic empirical framework in an emerging economy context.Design/methodology/approachData over 10 years are used to investigate the response of disclosure to ownership structure variables and vice versa. Dynamic bi-directional relationships are hypothesised and empirically investigated using a panel vector autoregressive (PVAR) model. The ownership structure variables used are government ownership, block ownership and director ownership, while CSRD is constructed as a score through content analysis.FindingsA bi-directional negative relationship between CSRD and government ownership is found, revealing a preference for the state to invest in companies with opaque disclosure. CSRD is found to respond negatively to block ownership, albeit weakly. Results also show that directors prefer to own shares in the company they manage when there are low levels of CSRD.Research limitations/implicationsThe current empirical set-up of using a small emerging economy may not carry to the context of larger emerging economies where the institutional context may differ. Thus, future research could use this dynamic empirical approach to re-examine the questions raised in this paper using data from other emerging economies. The use of a longer time series makes it feasible to explore further analysis what was not possible in this study, such as an impulse response analysis examining the reaction of the variables of interest, CSRD and ownership variables for a specific time horizon to particular changes or shocks associated with one of the endogenous variables in the PVAR.Practical implicationsA major implication is that expecting disclosure practices to improve due to government and director initiatives would be less likely in emerging economies. State and director shareholders prefer to invest in opaque companies because they may purposely choose to keep the minimum disclosure levels. The paper calls for a transparent process and ethical guidelines to guide government investment in firms.Originality/valueThe study investigates the bi-directional relationship between ownership structure and CSRD in contrast to the existing literature's presupposed one-way relationship between these variables by demonstrating that bi-directionality does matter. This paper also contributes to the CSRD literature in the emerging economy context. The bi-directional negative relationship between CSRD and government ownership calls for a transparent selection process of board members as representatives of the state in those companies where the government has an ownership stake. It also calls for a transparent process and ethical guidelines to guide government investment in firms.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Interpretations Of Findingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

CSR disclosure and ownership structure: insights from a dynamic empirical framework using an emerging economy context

Ramdhony,

Gunessee,

Mooneeapen

et al. 2023

JAAR

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“…Indeed, even in Mauritius political life continued to be dominated by a small number of figures. Since independence in 1968, Mauritian politics has been a family affair, with only five different individuals holding the post of Prime Minister-and two of these (Navin Ramgoolam and Pravind Jugnauth) are the sons of former PMs (Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam and Sir Anerood Jugnauth, respectively) (Kasenally 2011). This reflects a broader pattern across our five countries, namely that the linkage between citizens and politicians has tended to be clientelistic.…”

Section: The 1970s and 1980s: Struggle For Political Stabilitymentioning

confidence: 98%

African exceptions: democratic development in small island states

et al. 2021

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Small island states are much more likely to have democratic regimes than large continental states. This trend also holds across Africa, where the five island states with populations of 1.5 million or less are all rated at least 'partly free' by Freedom House. In this article we explore what it is about being a small island state that might explain this trend. Building on studies from other small island states, we find that the interaction between the two contextual factors is key to explaining their diversion from mainland trends in the African context. Specifically, 'smallness' leads to closer links between citizens and politicians in addition to more effective service delivery, while 'islandness' promotes community cohesion and provides a buffer against instability and conflict in neighbouring states. This results in a positive feedback loop that guards against authoritarian excess. Our focus on population size and geography thus adds to the existing studies of the contextual drivers of African democratisation.

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“…With the memory of the Wakashio's sinking and the threat presented by ICTA of silencing through surveillance still very fresh, Mauritians are pushing back against outdated political discourses and demanding new forms of governance and accountability (Kasenally 2022;Bunwaree 2023). This article has shown how the system of conscripting communalism that has been used since independence to manage Mauritian diversity is no longer fit for purpose in a digital age.…”

Section: Conclusion: Wider Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conscripting communalism: surveillance and resistance in contemporary Mauritius

Auerbach

2023

Africa

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In this article I explore changing state–citizen relationships in Mauritius. To do so, I outline and provide analysis of the system through which this Indian Ocean island has historically managed its diversity – a process that I call conscripting communalism. Conscripting communalism was formulated at independence in a context of behavioural predictions for the future that the internet era has challenged in powerful ways. To illustrate my argument, I explore three specific moments when ethnic and religious discourses were surpassed by collective concern within a rapidly authoritarianizing state: first, the sinking of the Wakashio oil tanker off the coast of Mauritius in 2020, which resulted in national solidarity towards the environment rather than communal violence; second, proposed legislation put forward by the Mauritian Information and Communication Technology Authority (ICTA) in 2021, which attempted to enable state surveillance of social media and which was soundly resisted by both domestic and external parties. And finally, I explore 2022 accusations that the Mauritian government authorized the installation of digital interception technology by representatives of the Indian state on one of the country’s fibre optic cables. The article argues that Mauritius represents an important site of analysis of the tensions between competing global visions of human rights, political autonomy, surveillance, solidarity and expectations for the future and the role of the internet in shaping these competing visions. I explore how new technologies have become the tools of both repression and resistance. The implications ripple far beyond the island.

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Mauritius: The Not So Perfect Democracy

Cited by 16 publications

References 6 publications

CSR disclosure and ownership structure: insights from a dynamic empirical framework using an emerging economy context

CSR disclosure and ownership structure: insights from a dynamic empirical framework using an emerging economy context

African exceptions: democratic development in small island states

Conscripting communalism: surveillance and resistance in contemporary Mauritius

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